Mr. Bishop's article in C.Q., xlix . 187–92 on Palatine Apollo calls for an answer from me, since I am still alive to give it, though my own study dates from 1910 and was published in J.R.S. for 1914, pp. 193–226. So far away is this publication, and my offprints have for so long been exhausted, that scholars of my generation need to go to university libraries to refer to it, and recent generations do not know it at all. (...) From Lugli's book on Rome they do not gather the details which convinced Boni that I was right, because he omitted some of the most cogent from mention. (shrink)

Continental philosophy tells the story of its origin as thaumazein, as wonder. But Aristotle set himself against a specific "warning", which gives us mortals the advice not to deal with immortal things. The "warning" comes from Delphic-tragic ethics, which is incarnated in god Apollo. Aristotle contradicts this "warning" because of the restriction of man. He does not contradict the divinness of knowledge, which is defended by Apollo. The founding of continental philosophy, which owns in theory its highest knowledge, (...) is thus aiming immediately at reaching god. An attack on Delphic ethics precedes wonder. In this sense, philosophy does not begin with wonder, but with hubris. (shrink)

This book recovers Dionysus and Apollo as the twin conceptual personae of life's dual rhythm in an attempt to redesign contemporary theory through the reciprocal affirmation of event and form, earth and world, dance and philosophy.

The purpose of this note is to redirect attention to some of the literary evidence that concerns the site of Apollo's temple on the Palatine. For this evidence has an irritating habit of refusing to confirm what would otherwise be irrefutable archaeological proof of the temple's site. It is now fashionable to identify the site of the temple with that occupied by the temple-core that was originally assigned to Iuppiter Victor on the south-west angle of the Palatine in the (...) region of the Scalae Caci, the Temple of Magna Mater, the Casa Romuli, and the so-called House of Liuia. This was, in the view of most scholars, Euander's citadel that Virgil calls Pallanteum and this must be the site of the Augustan buildings. Now the House of Liuia has been identified with apparent probability as the House of Augustus, and we know from literary evidence that the temple of Apollo, Augustus' private house, and the house decreed to him by the senate must have been in close proximity to each other. The temple-core on the south-west of the Palatine is of Augustan date and is built over the remains of houses of the late republic1 which appear to have been demolished for the purpose. If Liuia's House was the house of Augustus then Iuppiter Victor's temple must be assigned to Apollo. (shrink)

This article re-examines some of the principal concepts of cybernetics — control, communication, feedback — and its preoccupation with the ‘coupling’ of human and machine in an increasingly automated world. Historically, the rise of cybernetics coincides with the so-called Space Age, where the kind of computerized control systems theorized in cybernetics were essential to the guidance and operation of the complex machinery required to place humans and machines in space. Taking the Apollo programme as a paradigmatic case of accelerated (...) technological evolution, the article looks at aspects of the human-machine relationship in Apollo and more specifically at the modes of interface — ‘analogue’ and ‘digital’ — which mediated that relationship. Despite a certain humanism of control which posits the human agent as the ultimate instance of perception, decision and action, it is argued that the evolutionary tendency detectable in the Apollo programme is towards the progressive marginalization, or ‘redundancy’, of the human agent. (shrink)

John Ford’s The Broken Heart has been interpreted as a play in which “mannered artifice” is able to impose beauty onto the chaos and misery of human affairs.1 For Sharon Hamilton, each character in the play “makes his blighted life more bearable by envisioning it as a work of art”: the “spiritual starvation” of the characters is consequently set against the fact that they are “beautifully stylized.”2 Apollo, god of beautiful form and appearance, and the patron of the Sparta (...) in which the play is set, is thus seen to triumph over the tragedies it charts, offering a means of redemption.3 In this essay, I argue, instead, that the play depicts beauty as a metaphysical ideal, identical with truth and... (shrink)

The purpose of this note is to redirect attention to some of the literary evidence that concerns the site of Apollo's temple on the Palatine. For this evidence has an irritating habit of refusing to confirm what would otherwise be irrefutable archaeological proof of the temple's site. It is now fashionable to identify the site of the temple with that occupied by the temple-core that was originally assigned to Iuppiter Victor on the south-west angle of the Palatine in the (...) region of the Scalae Caci, the Temple of Magna Mater, the Casa Romuli, and the so-called House of Liuia. This was, in the view of most scholars, Euander's citadel that Virgil calls Pallanteum and this must be the site of the Augustan buildings. Now the House of Liuia has been identified with apparent probability as the House of Augustus, and we know from literary evidence that the temple of Apollo, Augustus' private house, and the house decreed to him by the senate must have been in close proximity to each other. The temple-core on the south-west of the Palatine is of Augustan date and is built over the remains of houses of the late republic1 which appear to have been demolished for the purpose. If Liuia's House was the house of Augustus then Iuppiter Victor's temple must be assigned to Apollo. (shrink)

Professor Richmond's reply t o m y article on Palatine Apollo is argued with his usual enthusiasm and cogency. This reply to him, which has been delayed by my departure for Australia, must begin with an expression of the respect that I feel for an antagonist far more able and experienced than I can claim to be. Indeed, it was while lecturing on Ovid, Tristia 3 that I first met Professor Richmond's masterly article on the Augustan Palatium . From (...) this article my enthusiasm for the subject began, and I know that Professor Richmond has always welcomed discussion and argument about the famous Augustan temple of Apollo on the Palatine. I can but join him in urging any who may have been interested by our discussion to study his original article which contains much more besides a discussion of the site of Apollo's temple. (shrink)

Professor Richmond's reply t o m y article on Palatine Apollo is argued with his usual enthusiasm and cogency. This reply to him, which has been delayed by my departure for Australia, must begin with an expression of the respect that I feel for an antagonist far more able and experienced than I can claim to be. Indeed, it was while lecturing on Ovid, Tristia 3 that I first met Professor Richmond's masterly article on the Augustan Palatium. From this (...) article my enthusiasm for the subject began, and I know that Professor Richmond has always welcomed discussion and argument about the famous Augustan temple of Apollo on the Palatine. I can but join him in urging any who may have been interested by our discussion to study his original article which contains much more besides a discussion of the site of Apollo's temple. (shrink)

Die Schutzgottheit der Stadt Mesambria war Apollon, dessen Epiklesen hier jedoch unbekannt sind. Ich bringe hier eine Argumentation zur Identifizierung einer solchen Epiklese. Apollon Agyeus, der Torhüter und Übelabwehrer, gilt als dorischer Gott der Einwanderung, Eroberung und Inbesitznahme. Der Agyeus wird auch mittels Steinsymbolen desselben Namens dargestellt . In Mesambria fehlt die unmittelbare Bezeugung des Agyeuskultes, es kommen aber Funde aus der Stadt Anchialos zur Hilfe. Diese, ursprünglich ein phrurion der ionischen Nachbarstadt Apollonia, wurde von Mesambria erobert und blieb in (...) der hellenistischen Zeit unter deren Herrschaft oder zumindest Einfluß. Die Kulte in Anchialos wiederspiegeln jene von Mesambria, wie angesichts des Kultes der Demeter Malophoros und jenem der ägyptischen Gottheiten gezeigt werden kann. Aus Anchialos sind Münzen mit der Darstellung des agyeus-Pfeilers bekannt. Das Vorkommen von Symbolen eines ausgesprochen dorischen Kultes läßt sich durch den Einfluß Mesambrias erklären, woraus hervorgeht, daß es den Kult des Apollon Agyeus auch dort gab.The main god of Mesambria was Apollo, whose cult epithets are however unknown here. I bring here arguments for the identification of one such epithet. Apollo Agyeus, the guardian of gates and repeller of evil, was also the Dorian god of immigration, conquest and occupation. The Agyeus was also represented by means of stone symbols of the same name . At Mesambria, the direct attestation of the Agyeus cult is lacking, but we can use discoveries from the city of Anchialos. This was initially a phrurion of the Ionian neighbour city of Apollonia; it was conquered by Mesambria and during the Hellenistic epoch it remained under Mesambrian rule or at least influence. The cults of Anchialos mirror those of Mesambria, as can be shown based on the cults of Demeter Malophoros and on the cult of the Egyptian gods. From Anchialos come coins with the image of the agyeus-pillar. The appearence of symbols of an explicitly Dorian cult can only be explained by the influence of Mesambria, which means that the cult of Apollo Agyeus was also present there. (shrink)

The general significance of Ovid's Apollo-Dapbne within its immediate context seems plain enough. Ovid's technique, as Otis remarks, is to set epic pretensions beside elegiac behaviour and thus to show a struggle between incompatible styles of life and poetry. Yet the episode still poses certain problems. These mainly concern the significance of the story within the wider context of the opening of Ovid's poem. One difficulty is hinted at by Otis himself. He observes that with the Apollo-Dapbne and (...) Jupiter-10 Ovid has ‘deflated his divine prologue’. Yet elsewhere3 Otis remarks that in one sense the gap between the behaviour of the gods in the concilium deorum and their philandering in the Daphne and Io stories is very slight. (shrink)

This paper examines the role of power structures and strategic decisions in trajectories toward war and peace. Part I introduces a fuzzy inference engine for computationally simulating balance of power. Part II compares simulation results from hegemonic, bi-polar, and multi-polar system structures, each with three actors. Part III explores strategies for maximizing peace under each of these system structures. Part IV applies these lessons to real-world event chronologies.

Epitomized in the bodily exhibitions of ‘fitspiration’, photo-based social media is biased toward self-beautification and glorification of reality. Meanwhile, evidence is growing of psychological side effects connected to this ‘pictorial turn’ in our communication. In The Birth of Tragedy, Nietzsche poses the question how ugliness and discord can produce aesthetic pleasure. This paper proceeds from an inverse relationship and examines why glorification of appearances and conspicuous beauty fails to do the same, and even compounds suffering. Drawing on the Apollo-Dionysus (...) dualism undergirding Nietzsche’s aesthetic philosophy, I posit a deeper relation between the saturation of visual self-exhibitionism typified in fitspiration and its empirical effects. Concentrating on the medium and self-representational photograph, I argue that Instagram is primarily an instrument of Apolline artifice and that the pictorial turn which defines the present centers Apolline mediation to the detrimental exclusion of meaningful communion with its Dionysiac antithesis. For users immersed in this Apolline sphere of visual self-representation, a fractured existence beholden to conditions of the image ensues—comprising surface-level appearances, deification of the moment, and loss of existential sustenance through myth. By positioning fitspiration not as an aberration but as the logical conclusion of the medium’s intrinsic Apolline property, it becomes a litmus test of the entire visual landscape and illustrative of the implications that uncritical participation in it may bring. (shrink)

Ape to Apollo is the first book to follow the development in the eighteenth century of the idea of race as it shaped and was shaped by the idea of aesthetics.

This essay pursues Gilbert Durand’s plea for a new anthropological spirit that would overcome the bureaucracy-or-madness dichotomy which has since Nietzsche left its imprint upon contemporary thought, forcing it to choose between an “Apollonian” ontology established upon some kind of first principle and a “Dionysian” ontology consisting in the erasure of any founding norm. It does so by reclaiming Dionysus and Apollo’s original twin-ness and dual affirmation in dialogue with contemporary anthropological theory, especially Roy Wagner’s thesis on the interplay (...) of “elicitation” and “containment” in sociocultural life. What would happen then, I ask, if we were to reimagine today’s philosophical game – which after Heidegger Deleuze, and Derrida turns variously and increasingly around subtraction – otherwise: as a chiastic board on which Apollo would cut Dionysus’s continuum, which Dionysus would in turn restore despite Apollo’s cuts, and on which the obliteration of any of the two gods would entail the inevitable dismemberment of the other? Accordingly, I offer a full reassessment of Dionysus’s and Apollo’s complementary roles in ancient-Greek culture in discussion not only with Nietzsche’s Dionysian philosophy but also with Ihab Hassan’s postmodern critique of Orpheus. All of it less with the purpose of putting forward a new metaphysics than with the intent of restating the translucent-ness that keeps together reality and thought against any claim that they are either transparent or opaque to one another. (shrink)

This paper explores the politics of cult in early fourth-century Thessaly, a period of prolonged stasis throughout the region. Two case studies are offered: The first explores Jason of Pherai’s planned expedition to Delphi in 370 and its potential impact on Thessalian corporate identity; the second reconstructs the role of Ennodia in the Pheraian tyrants’ attempts to win regional hegemony.Cet article étudie la politique cultuelle du début du ive siècle en Thessalie, une période de stasis prolongée dans la région. Deux (...) études de cas sont proposées. La première aborde l’expédition planifiée par Jason de Phères à Delphes en 370 et son impact potentiel sur l’identité thessalienne. La seconde étude reconstruit le rôle d’Ennodia au sein des tentatives des tyrans pour imposer leur hégémonie à la région. (shrink)