The mass/count distinction attracts a lot of attention among cognitive scientists, possibly because it involves in fundamental ways the relation between language (i.e. grammar), thought (i.e. extralinguistic conceptual systems) and reality (i.e. the physical world). In the present paper, I explore the view that the mass/count distinction is a matter of vagueness. While every noun/concept may in a sense be vague, mass nouns/concepts are vague in a way that systematically impairs their use in counting. This idea has (...) never been systematically pursued, to the best of my knowledge. I make it precise relying on supervaluations (more specifically, ‘data semantics’) to model it. I identify a number of universals pertaining to how the mass/count contrast is encoded in the languages of the world, along with some of the major dimensions along which languages may vary on this score. I argue that the vagueness based model developed here provides a useful perspective on both. The outcome (besides shedding light on semantic variation) seems to suggest that vagueness is not just an interface phenomenon that arises in the interaction of Universal Grammar (UG) with the Conceptual/Intentional System (to adopt Chomsky’s terminology), but it is actually part of the architecture of UG. (shrink)

Mass surveillance is a more real threat now than at any time in history. Digital communications and automated systems allow for the collection and processing of private information at a scale never seen before. Many argue that mass surveillance entails a significant loss of privacy. Others dispute that there is a loss of privacy if the information is only encountered by automated systems.This paper argues that automated mass surveillance does not involve a significant loss of privacy. Through (...) providing a definition of informational privacy as a matter of actual access of private information by one who can understand the meaning of that information, it follows that automated systems which lack understanding cannot of themselves diminish privacy. This is not to say that mass surveillance is unproblematic, though - it is deeply problematic. It is just that privacy is not the most significant of these problems. (shrink)

This paper aims to explore and expand Jean-Luc Nancy’s notion of the body as a mass as he drafted it in his “On the Soul” lecture. He conceptualizes the soul as the reflection of the fact that we have a body, thus the conception of the body as a mass may offer possibilities to think the body outside or prior to this reflection. In the article, I expand on three types of bodies. The first of these possibilities is (...) an abstracted body Nancy ascribed to St. Augustine, a body which has been criticized by feminist scholars like Judith Butler. The second one is a hypothetical pre-body proposed by the object-oriented philosopher Graham Harman that may have existed before the actual body emerges. The last one is the disintegrated rotting body in two different contexts: European baroque imagery and asubha kammaṭṭhāna, a Thai meditational practice. All three types of bodies-as-a-mass are legitimate conceptualizations of what Nancy indicates. However, the mass quality is the very nonconceptuality, which is therefore the ultimate outcome that I had to reach. (shrink)

The actual originality and radicalism of Canetti's mass psychology provides a comprehensive picture of humanity and society which could also accommodate a naturalized political domain. Proceeding according to a deliberate plan, Canetti discusses four “purely” political complexes on the basis of his mass‐psychological conception. These four complexes are completed, architecturally as it were, by the Schreber Case, the keystone, which legitimately unites and synthesizes the political and psychological domains in terms of power. His strategy does not involve (...) the projection of already available psychological explanatory patterns onto the political subject‐matter. He chooses rather a political subject‐matter in the analysis of which the already elaborated mass‐psychological insights can resurface. The way leads, therefore, not from mass psychology to politics, but from politics to politics seen in a different way—via innovative mass‐psychological insights. The four case‐studies selected by Canetti display remarkable coherence in their conceptual structure. At the same time, they are also astonishingly diverse and variable. The Versaille Case describes a unique act involving the suppression of collective identity, while the Inflation Case captures the possibility of the shocking devaluation of individual and collective identity, a possibility which can in principle always become reality. The approach is yet again different in the Parliamentarianism Case: politics is shown to be wise enough to restrain political struggle by means of a taboo. Finally, for the case of socialism Canetti provides an original concretization and interpretation of a widely shared view, which is nevertheless seldom articulated with the required precision, namely that socialism and human nature run, at least latently, counter to one another, making their incompatibility predetermined. (shrink)

A massless electroweak theory for leptons is formulated in a Weyl space, W4, yielding a Weyl invariant dynamics of a scalar field φ, chiral Dirac fermion fields ψL and ψR, and the gauge fields κμ, Aμ, Zμ, Wμ, and Wμ †, allowing for conformal rescalings of the metric gμν and all fields with nonvanishing Weyl weight together with the corresponding transformations of the Weyl vector fields, κμ, representing the D(1) or dilatation gauge fields. The local group structure of this Weyl (...) electroweak (WEW) theory is given by $G = SO(3,1) \otimes D(1) \otimes \tilde G$ —or its universal coverging group $\bar G$ for the fermions—with $\tilde G$ denoting the electroweak gauge group SU(2)W × U(1)Y. In order to investigate the appearance of nonzero masses in the theory the Weyl symmetry is explicitly broken by a term in the Lagrangean constructed with the curvature scalar R of the W4 and a mass term for the scalar field. Thereby also the Zμ and Wμ gauge fields as well as the charged fermion field (electron) acquire a mass as in the standard electroweak theory. The symmetry breaking is governed by the relation D μ Φ 2 = 0, where Φ is the modulus of the scalar field and Dμ denotes the Weyl-covariant derivative. This true symmetry reduction, establishing a scale of length in the theory by breaking the D(1) gauge symmetry, is compared to the so-called spontaneous symmetry breaking in the standard electroweak theory, which is, actually, the choice of a particular (nonlinear ) gauge obtained by adopting an origin, ${\hat \phi }$ , in the coset space representing ϕ, with ${\hat \phi }$ being invariant under the electromagnetic, gauge group U(1)e.m.. Particular attention is devoted to the appearance of Einstein's equations for the metric after the Weyl symmetry breaking, yielding a pseudo-Riemannian space, V4, from a W4 and a scalar field with a constant modulus $\hat \phi _0$ . The quantity $\hat \phi _0^2$ affects Einstein's gravitational constant in a manner comparable to the Brans-Dicke theory. The consequences of the broken WEW theory are worked out and the determination of the parameters of the theory is discussed. (shrink)

This thesis concerns the metaphysics of scale. It investigates the implications of a physical determinable being dimensionful. In particular, it considers the case study of mass, as it features within Newtonian Gravity. Nevertheless, most of the terminology, methodology and arguments developed should be relatively straightforwardly applicable to other determinables and theories. -/- Weak Absolutism about mass holds that mass ratios obtain in virtue of absolute masses. Weak Comparativism denies this. In the first five chapters I argue in (...) favour of Weak Absolutism over Weak Comparativism. The sixth chapter argues against reducing mass to other non-mass facts. The overall conclusion is Strong Absolutism about mass within Newtonian Gravity: mass ratios obtain in virtue of absolute masses, which themselves are fundamental (i.e. they do not require anything further in order to obtain). -/- Comparativism promises to recover all the virtues of absolutism, in particular its empirical adequacy, but at a lower 'metaphysical cost'. Special attention is given to Dasgupta's recent comparativist proposal. Dasgupta interprets the requirement of empirical adequacy in terms of the undetectability of the absolute mass scale. I argue that undetectability is an unsuitable way of understanding empirical adequacy and that we would do better to understand it in terms of a theory's ability to correctly generate the set of empirically possible worlds (or at least the actual world). I refute Dasgupta's comparativism both on my terms and on his own terms. I subsequently develop and strongly criticise alternative versions of comparativism. Chapter five sheds doubt on the supposed 'metaphysical parsimony' of comparativism. -/- This debate should be of particular interest to readers who engage with the substantivalism-relationalism debate. These debates are much more entwined than previously acknowledged, which provides a significant source of mutual inspiration, although I do also draw out some important disanalogies. -/- . (shrink)

The Luis Palau Mission to Auckland in 1987 attracted major criticism from four Anglican bishops. This centred on the question of the ability of a foreign evangelist to address the Gospel with prophetic relevance to the social situation in New Zealand. The actual response to the mission indicated that the problem of an America-oriented, male, foreign evangelist was not insuperable. The debate illustrated the age-old tension between the established Christianity of the system and the critique of the itinerant evangelist. (...) But the debate missed the important issues of the inclusion of Roman Catholic participation; the possibility of dissociating mass evangelism from North American evangelicalism; the Arminian insistence on human decision; how to preach an immanentist theology in an evangelistic style; the extent to which a guest evangelist can be a prophet in a host country; and the actual function of such crusades in encouraging the faithful rather than converting the unfaithful. (shrink)

This book is a product of the cultural, economic, political, and social environments during the early and mid-1990s in the United States. Designed for media consumers as well as future practitioners, it illustrates the actual and potential social consequences of the media, and media theory and research. Today, some mass communication programs are offering advanced undergraduate classes in an effort to appeal to the widespread interest in mass communication issues among students in all majors. This text, with (...) its emphasis on research concerning topics such as public opinion and the impact of media violence, is intended to fit in well with those efforts. (shrink)

Do people tend to disagree over political issues because of conflicting values? Or do they disagree about which policies will most effectively promote shared values? In a previous article, I argued that the issues most people think are most important tend to fall into the latter category. On the issues of greatest importance to the mass public, most citizens agree about the ends that are desirable, but disagree about which policy means would best effectuate those ends. Consequently, disputes about (...) facts—disputes about the actual effects of proposed public policies—lie at the heart of the most important divisions in contemporary American public opinion. However, people do not necessarily interpret their political disagreements this way. If they fail to recognize that facts that they see as self-evident are disputed by their opponents, they may see their opponents as having different values, since there could be few other explanations for their opponents' disagreement with them. However, evidence that disagreements about facts are really driving public opinion can be found by using conditional surveys, which ask respondents if they would support a given policy if they believed that it would cause specific negative consequences. (shrink)

The subject of my dissertation is the notion, what could turn out, extracted from Naming and Necessity, in a context in which it is being used to show the contingency of gold's yellowness. ;In general, I seek to establish an actuality-oriented notion of what could turn out that makes a break with an epistemological picture of this notion as well as another making what could turn out for an object depend on what's metaphysically possible for it. ;In particular, I distinguish (...) various what-could-turn-out notions. I then develop an actuality-oriented notion of what could turn out on which what-could-turn-out truths are in subject-predicate form. Afterwards, I provide some of the necessary conditions for an object's possessing a what-could-turn-out predicate. That a what-could-turn-out predicate applies to an object depends on at least two conditions: that the object in question actually possess the simple property P contained within the complex modal one, could turn out P; and that, in principle, we could come to know of the object's actually possessing P. For example, in order for neutrinos to possibly turn out to have infinitesimal mass, it must at least be the case that they actually have infinitesimal mass, and that, in principle, we could come to know of their actually being as such. (shrink)

The “masses” discourse in modern China was influenced by two western intellectual traditions, i.e., mass psychology and historical materialism. The former regards the masses as a blind, impulsive, and irrational crowd, while the latter thinks that only the people are the real dynamic forces of historical development. As a result, the “masses” discourse in modern China bifurcated into a negative one of “mass psychology” and a positive one of “mass movement”, both of which were employed as effective (...) tools of political mobilization by different political parties and social elites. The concept of the “masses” was either the crystallization of the abstract “people” or the actualization of the ideal “citizenry”. What is embodied in the concepts of the people, the citizenry, and the masses in modern China was actually an ambiguous image of a political subject. (shrink)

Do people tend to disagree over political issues because of conflicting values? Or do they disagree about which policies will most effectively promote shared values? In a previous article, I argued that the issues most people think are most important tend to fall into the latter category. On the issues of greatest importance to the mass public, most citizens agree about the ends that are desirable, but disagree about which policy means would best effectuate those ends. Consequently, disputes about (...) facts—disputes about the actual effects of proposed public policies—lie at the heart of the most important divisions in contemporary American public opinion. However, people do not necessarily interpret their political disagreements this way. If they fail to recognize that facts that they see as self-evident are disputed by their opponents, they may see their opponents as having different values, since there could be few other explanations for their opponents' disagreement with them. However, evidence that disagreements about facts are really driving public opinion can be found by using conditional surveys, which ask respondents if they would support a given policy if they believed that it would cause specific negative consequences. (shrink)

The post-Westphalian Nation State developed by becoming more and more an Information Society. However, in so doing, it progressively made itself less and less the main information agent, because what made the Nation State possible and then predominant, as a historical driving force in human politics, namely ICTs, is also what is now making it less central, in the social, political and economic life of humanity across the world. ICTs fluidify the topology of politics. They do not merely enable but (...) actually promote (through management and empowerment) the agile, temporary and timely aggregation, disaggregation and re-aggregation of distributed groups around shared interests across old, rigid boundaries represented by social classes, political parties, ethnicity, language barriers, physical barriers, and so forth. This is generating a new tension between the Nation State, still understood as a major organisational institution, yet no longer monolithic but increasingly morphing into a multiagent system itself, and a variety of equally powerful, indeed sometimes even more politically influential and powerful, non-Statal organisations. Geo-politics is now global and increasingly non-territorial, but the Nation State still defines its identity and political legitimacy in terms of a sovereign territorial unit, as a Country. Such tension calls for a serious exercise in conceptual re-engineering: how should the new informational multiagent systems (MASs) be designed in such a way as to take full advantage of the socio-political progress made so far, while being able to deal successfully with the new global challenges (from the environment to the financial markets) that are undermining the legacy of that very progress? In the lecture, I shall defend an answer to this question in terms of a design of political MAS based on principles borrowed from information ethics. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Feminist Studies 46, no. 2. © 2020 by Feminist Studies, Inc. 489 Anna Romina Guevarra and Maya Arcilla The Source of Actual Terror: The Philippine Macho-Fascist Duterte  What is JUSTICE with the violence you’ve waged  What is FREEDOM? Our people are encaged  What is JUSTICE with the violence you’ve waged?  What is FREEDOM? Our people are encaged  We have nothing to lose—nothing but (...) our chains  We have nothing to lose—nothing but our chains  Ang tao, ang bayan—ngayon ay lumalaban  Ngayon ay lumalaban—ang tao ang bayan 1  We will, we will oust you!  We will, we will oust you! —Lyrics of a chant at a Chicago protest rally, July 8, 20202 On July 8, 2020, in front of the Philippine Consulate of Chicago, a group of activists representing multiple transnational organizations committed to the pursuit of democracy, participated in a Global Day of Action against an Anti-Terrorism Law (ATL) passed in the Philippines five days earlier. This particular rally was led by fierce student and community organizers and workers who loudly proclaimed their opposition to President Rodrigo Duterte’s misogynistic and fascist measures. The epigraph 1. The people, the nation—today they fight / Today they fight—the people, the nation. 2. Song written by Charmaine Balisalisa. 490 Anna Romina Guevarra and Maya Arcilla above captures the lyrics of one young activist’s chant directed at Duterte and choreographed to the tune of Queen’s “We will Rock You.” People followed her steps and gestures rhythmically and in unison, accompanying her chant with sounds from a gangsa (gong), bells, a skateboard tapping the ground, and an empty bucket. There have been multiple protests denouncing Duterte since he assumed power in 2016, but on this particular day, the sense of outrage and urgency was especially palpable in the face of this new law aimed at suppressing dissent. This legislation marked a high point in Duterte’s efforts to exert authoritarian control, and it is significant that opposition to his regime has taken on a specifically feminist character. The Philippines Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020 (Republic Act No. 11479), signed into law on July 3, 2020, amends the Philippines Human Security Act of 2007 by expanding the government’s power and scope for defining what constitutes “terrorism.” It consolidates power through the creation of an Anti-Terrorism Council (ATC) appointed by the President and empowered to act without oversight from the judiciary or legislature. The ATC can order mass arrests without warrants and detain individuals without due process for the mere suspicion of being involved in “terrorist” activities. This Law violates the Philippine Constitution’s Bill of Rights by eliminating free speech, violating the people’s right to privacy, and criminalizing individuals on suspicion of wrongdoing. As the law stipulates, anyone involved in “creating an atmosphere and spreading a message of fear” and “provoking or influencing by intimidation the government or any of its international organizations” will be construed as inciting terrorism. Indeed, this law will continue to erode democratic governance in the country, with some labeling it a “stealth declaration of martial law.”3 As US Congressional Representative Jan Schakowsky (D-IL) noted at the press conference she convened on July 15 to publicly call for the Anti-Terrorism Law’s repeal, “this law represents a new weapon in the administration’s campaign to suppress dissent and will worsen attacks on ordinary people.” 3. Jodesz Gavilan, “‘Stealth Declaration of Martial Law’: Rights Groups Slam Duterte, Anti-Terror Law,” Rappler, July 3, 2020, https://rappler.com/nation /human-rights-groups-statements-duterte-signing-anti-terror-law. Anna Romina Guevarra and Maya Arcilla 491 “A Timeline of Terror”: From “Pride is a Protest” and #JusticeForFabelPineda to #HandsOffGabriela4 A number of prominent feminists and queer rights activists have been targeted under President Duterte in the lead up to the passing of the ATL. On June 26, twenty LGBTQ activists representing Bahaghari, an LGBTQ+ rights organization in the Philippines, were arrested at a Pride rally. These protestors, referred to as the “Pride 20,” were speaking out against the ATL and were immediately arrested.5 A few days later, fifteen-year-old Fabel Pineda from San Juan Ilocos Sur was gunned... (shrink)

This paper examines the creation and use of names that refer to a mass violence in Indonesia that occurred in May 1998 in several cities. The media has dubbed the event the May 1998 riots. Alternative names have been widely used and each represents either a different portrayal of the event or social political stance towards the event. Using discourse analysis, this paper will demonstrate how the choice of names affects presentation of the event, recognition of what actually happened (...) and the identification of parties involved, both the perpetrator and the victim. The labels assigned by the media to the event serve to promote certain points of view, shape social narrative and influence readers’ understanding of political violence. This paper found that the use of May 1998 as the token has blurred the nature of the event that is arguably politically motivated and downplayed the violence suffered by a particular group targeted during the riots. Abstrak Tulisan ini meneliti penggunaan nama untuk peristiwa kekerasan massa di Indonesia yang terjadi pada bulan Mei 1998 di beberapa kota. Media massa pada umumnya menggunakan nama Kerusuhan Mei 1998 untuk merujuk pada peristiwa tersebut. Beberapa nama alternatif juga dipergunakan secara luas dan masing-masing nama merepresentasikan gambaran atau pandangan sosial politis yang berbeda terhadap peristiwa tersebut. Penulis akan menggunakan analisa diskursus untuk menunjukkan bagaimana penamaan berpengaruhterhadap presentasi peristiwa, pengakuan atas apa yang terjadi dan pengidentifi kasian pihak-pihak yang terlibat, baik sebagai pelaku maupun korban. Label yang diberikan oleh media massa terhadap peristiwa tersebut berperan dalam membentuk narasi sosial dan mempengaruhi pemahaman pembaca akan kejadian tersebut. Tulisan ini menemukan bahwa penggunaan Mei 1998 sebagai penanda pada penamaan telah mengaburkan peristiwa yang dilatarbelakangi unsur politis tersebut dan juga menyampingkan kekerasan yang dialami oleh kelompok tertentu selama kerusuhan. (shrink)

Education and Its Discontents: Teaching, the Humanities, and the Importance of a Liberal Education in the Age of Mass Information, by Mark Moss, is an exploration of how the traditional educational environment, particularly in the post-secondary world, is changing as a consequence of the influx of new technology. Students now have access to myriad of technologies that instead of supplementing the educational process, have actually taken it over. Faculty who do not adapt face enormous obstacles, and those who do (...) adapt run the risk of eroding the integrity of what they have been trained to teach. Moss discusses that it is now not only how we learn, but what we continue to teach, and how that enormously important legacy is protected. (shrink)

Education and Its Discontents: Teaching, the Humanities, and the Importance of a Liberal Education in the Age of Mass Information, by Mark Moss, is an exploration of how the traditional educational environment, particularly in the post-secondary world, is changing as a consequence of the influx of new technology. Students now have access to myriad of technologies that instead of supplementing the educational process, have actually taken it over. Faculty who do not adapt face enormous obstacles, and those who do (...) adapt run the risk of eroding the integrity of what they have been trained to teach. Moss discusses that it is now not only how we learn, but what we continue to teach, and how that enormously important legacy is protected. (shrink)

Portion sizes of meals have been becoming progressively larger which contributes to the onset of obesity. So far, little research has been done on the influence of body weight on portion size preferences. Therefore, we assessed whether Body Mass Index, as well as other selected factors, contribute to the estimation of food portions weight and the subjective perception of portion sizes. Through online questionnaires, the participants were asked to estimate the weight of pictured foods in the first study. In (...) the second study, the participants indicated how the depicted varying portion sizes of different meals relate to their actual consumed real-life portion sizes. A total of 725 and 436 individuals were included in the statistical analysis in the first and second study, respectively. BMI and gender had a small effect on the capacity to estimate the weight of foods. The main predictor for portion size choices was the factor gender with men estimating ideal portion sizes as larger than women. Further, age and hunger together with external and restrictive eating behaviors were among the deciding factors for portion size choices. As expected, externally motivated eaters chose bigger portions while restrictive individual smaller ones. Gender- and age-related differences in portion size preferences likely reflect distinct energy requirements. The individuals with a higher BMI do not differ strongly from other BMI groups in their portion-related preferences. Therefore, other factors such as meal frequency, snacking, or a lifestyle, may contribute more to the onset, development, and maintenance of overweight. (shrink)

This paper presents the results of an empirical study that reflects monitoring and evaluation of the implementation of some legal acts on the labour of the Republic of Lithuania. The analysis of legal documents at the national and international level is provided. A review of cognate studies conducted by foreign and Lithuanian researchers is presented and the professional situation of a Lithuanian teacher from the employee rights perspective is highlighted. The professional activities contexts and sectors, wherein systematic violations of teachers’ (...) rights to a healthy and safe working environment are possible, are distinguished. A lack of generalized scientific data of employee (especially teacher) working conditions, the actual security of relevant rights and its monitoring and evaluation is still felt both in the country and abroad. A contradiction between: a) insufficient research of the issue and b) its importance to science and practice, exactly presupposes the scientific problems of the empirical study presented in the given paper. The subject of the study: teachers’ rights to a healthy and safe working environment and a fair remuneration for their work. The objective of the study: to conduct monitoring and evaluation of the effective implementation of relevant legal norms and legal acts applying a written sociological survey. The study is based on the results of a mass country-wide written survey of teachers. (shrink)

The Cartesian concept of nature, which has determined modern thinking until the present time, has become obsolete. It shall be shown that Hegel's objective-idealistic conception of nature discloses, in comparison to that of Descartes, new perspectives for the comprehension of nature and that this, in turn, results in possibilities of actualizing Hegel's philosophy of nature. If the argumentation concerning philosophy of nature is intended to catch up with the concrete Being-of-nature and to meet it in its concretion, then this is (...) impossible for the finite spirit in a strictly a priori sense – this is the thesis supported here which is not at all close to Hegel. As the argumentation rather has to consider the conditions of realization concerning the Being-of-nature, too, it is compelled to take up empirical elements – concerning the organism, for instance, system-theoretical aspects, physical and chemical features of the nervous system, etc. With that, on the one hand, empirical-scientific premises are assumed (e.g. the lawlikeness of nature), which on the other hand become (now close to Hegel) possibly able to be founded in the frame of a Hegelian-idealistic conception. In this sense, a double strategy of empirical-scientific concretization and objective-idealistic foundation is followed up, which represents the methodical basic principle of the developed considerations. In the course of the undertaking, the main aspects of the whole Hegelian design concerning the philosophy of nature are considered – space and time, mass and motion, force and law of nature, the organism, the pro-blem of evolution, psychic being – as well as Hegel's basic thesis concerning the philosophy of nature, that therein a tendency toward coherence and idealization manifests itself in the sense of a (categorically) gradually rising succession of nature: from the separateness of space to the ideality of sensation. In the sense of the double strategy of concretization and foundation it is shown that on the one hand possibilities of philosophical penetration concerning actual empirical-scientific results are opened, and on the other hand – in turn – a re-interpretation of Hegel's theorem on the basis of physical, evolution-theoretical and system-theoretical argumentation also becomes possible. In this mutual crossing-over and elucidation of empirical and Hegelian argumentation not only do perspectives of a new comprehension of nature become visible, but also, at the same time – as an essential consequence of this methodical principle – thoughts on the possibilities of actualizing Hegel's philosophy of nature. (shrink)

"Die Logik der Erfahrung" stellt eine Systematisierung der wissenschaftsphilosophischen Gedanken der klassischen Pragmatisten (Charles S. Peirce, William James, John Dewey) dar. Die pragmatistische Erfahrungstheorie sowie die Bestimmung des Verhältnisses von Theorie und Praxis bilden die Grundlage einer holistischen Wissenschaftsphilosophie, deren Aktualität durch die exemplarische Anwendung auf klassische wissenschaftstheoretische Fragestellungen gezeigt wird. Die AutorinTina Massing ist Akademische Rätin am Institut für Philosophie der Universität Koblenz. In ihrer Forschung beschäftigt sie sich insbesondere mit wissenschaftsphilosophischen Themen und dem Klassischen Pragmatismus.

A funny, touching look at the life of a social media influencer who starts to question the #goals life she has created for herself. Every day, Élie motivates her hundreds of thousands of followers to become the best versions of themselves by posting videos of exercise routines and high-protein breakfast recipes. Far from the shy teenager that she was, she is now in a very public relationship with singer Samuel Vanasse, and together they have become one of the most popular (...) influencer couples in the country. She has succeeded. She shines. And yet, Élie worries that her life is not as flawless as she makes it seem on YouTube and Instagram. Between her obsession with the "ideal weight," her growing attraction to another man, her family's disdain for her career as a content creator and a collaboration with another influencer who Élie can't stand, a thought haunts her. What if, by trying to become everything she wanted to be, she's lost herself along the way? Suck it In and Smile is an intimate exploration of our obsession with appearances and the hypocrisies that appear when you must craft the perfect online life. (shrink)

Qu'entend-on par enchantement et désenchantement du monde? Quelles seraient les voies à suivre pour susciter un réenchantement du monde qui sera le fait de l’humain lui-même? La raison et la rationalité sont-elles les causes des maux de nos errements ou des outils pour les contrer? Suffira-t-il d’avoir « foi en la raison » pour surmonter les défis que l’humanité s’est elle-même imposés par négligence et irresponsabilité.

1. A short analysis of the institutional reform legislation of August 1980 allows the ascertainment that the competences «granted» by the central power to the regions are truncated.2. Financial means are also «granted». They consist in merely listing sources of revenues : receipts other then tax, black grants, tax shares, limited tax entitlement and borrowing power. Those financial means are arbitrary chosen, they are not related to the competences granted, they are insufficient.3. Anyway, the existing budgeting system does not allow (...) connecting policies and financial means. A new classification should be of more adequacy to achieve this end.4. Actual regional sovereignty implies that all competences explicitely attributed to the federal level should belong to the regions. In the countries where such a system exists, the regions are mastering 40 to 60 % of the revenues. The kind of regionalisation implemented in Belgium only grants about 8 % to the regions.It is pointed out that 65 % of the current revenues and 46 % of the expenditures could technically be subject to federalisation. Should also the financial system of social security be federalized, then should the part of both ressources and expenditures belonging to the regions increase to 7 5 %.On the long way to federalism in Belgium, the new legislation is just a step, not an arrival. The forthcoming years will probably confirm it. (shrink)

Two university English seminars were video-recorded to provide data for a pilot project investigating how English is produced or 'actualized' in teaching and learning encounters. The project is positioned within three contexts: national policy about higher education teaching; current research about higher education pedagogy; and, the history and politics of university English. The main aim of the article is to explicate a methodology that takes as its data actual moments of teaching, captured on video tape, and the teachers' commentary (...) on them. It analyses these records with reference to theories about rhetoric. (shrink)

My presentation will evidently be the longest since I will be presenting the results of two major surveys done in Moscow, Pskov, and a number of other cities and villages in July-September 1990 and in August-October 1991. The interpretation of the findings of these surveys was done by me together with S.B. Filatov, while the actual investigations were carried out by S.B. Filatov, L.G. Byzov, L.M. Vorontsova, and G.L. Gurevich. The purpose of the surveys was above all to shed (...) some light on the picture of contemporary religiosity and on the connection between religious beliefs and political attitudes. What do the findings of these surveys tell us? (shrink)

Las transformaciones en el ámbito del trabajo, acaecidas de la mano de la mutación del capital global, han dado lugar a múltiples reflexiones en torno a las nuevas características que asume la 'cuestión social'. En este sentido, se advierten diferentes formas de caracterizar las consecuencias de la mutación en ciernes, cuyo análisis -desde las ciencias sociales- relanza dos categorías que se resignifican en el contexto actual: multitud y exclusión. En este ensayo se consideran las potencialidades y restricciones de ambas (...) categorías a fin de dar cuenta de su potencial explicativo y crítico, en relación a las diversas y acuciantes problemáticas que laceran el cuerpo social en este singular momento histórico.The transformations in the labor world, due to changes in global capital, have given way to a range of opinions over the new characteristics taken on by the 'social question'. Analyzing -from a social sciences point of view- the different ways the effects of these recent changes are being characterized, gives way to two categories that take on a new meaning in the current context: multitude and exclusion. In this work, the potentials and restrictions of these categories are considered to bring to light their critical and explicatory potential in relation to the wide-ranging and pres sing issues that are tearing the social fabric in this unique historic moment. (shrink)

The text confronts the elements of which Luhmann theorizes the educative system, from a critical form to center the suitable approach to know the multiplicity of elements from the educative system. Luhmann’s foundations are criticized and other levels are proposed, from a critical vision of social..