El artículo a partir de fuentes iconográficas, estudia la sustitución de los símbolos imperiales españoles por nuevos símbolos republicanos a principios del siglo XIX, destacando obras como las alegorías de la libertad y la patria para el caso colombiano. Estos emblemas tuvieron su origen en las representaciones de América del siglo XVI, pero con las autonomías y las posteriores independencias se convierten en los primeros símbolos de identidad de las nacientes repúblicas. The article, based on iconographic sources, studies the substitution (...) of imperial Spanish symbols by new republican symbols at the beginning of the 19th century, emphasizing some works as the allegories of Freedom and the Mother land in the case of Colombia. These emblems had their origin in the representations of America of the 16th century, however, initially, with their autonomies and later independences they turn into the first symbols of identity of the blossoming republics. (shrink)

El trabajo expone el significado de la obra de Marsilio de Padua, la primera teoría medieval no clerical del Estado. Marsilio se propone combatir la doctrina de la plenitudo potestatis papal, porque la considera causa de la guerra civil en Italia a principios del siglo XIV. Se basa para ello en la unidad de la soberanía, frente al dualismo que caracteriza a otros defensores del poder secular, como Juan de Paris, Ockham o Dante. Sostiene que no existe fundamento espiritual para (...) un poder diferente del poder del legislador humano y que el único poder supremo o plenitudo potestatis no corresponde al Papa sino al gobernante secular. De lo cual se sigue la completa absorción de la Iglesia por el Estado y la atribución al gobernante temporal de toda la organización eclesiástica. La filosofía marsiliana representa un esfuerzo sin precedentes por dar al poder un fundamento racional, pero está lejos de la idea moderna de soberanía, así como del liberalismo y de la voluntad general de Rousseau. No tuvo éxito en su tiempo, pero influyó en la reforma anglicana y en el erastianismo de Hobbes. (shrink)

El artículo estudia el significado de la ley y el papel que juega en la filosofía política de Marsilio de Padua, un autor interesado, por encima de todo, en la institución del Estado, que considera a la ley el fundamento de la civitas. Su énfasis en la ley significa que la cuestión principal es qué es lo que hace que una ley lo sea; y más que el contenido de justicia, es el precepto coactivo del legislador, que tiene la autoridad (...) de establecer la ley y de sancionar su incumplimiento, ya que una ley es una orden cuya desobediencia lleva su castigo. Por tanto, esa definición de ley desemboca en la pregunta por el legislador: es el conjunto de los ciudadanos o su parte prevalente ”, es decir, la legítima representación de toda la comunidad, pero nunca otra parte de la comunidad, ni siquiera los sacerdotes o los doctores. La definición de ley, que implica la unidad de la comunidad y la exclusividad del legislador, es el fundamento filosófico para rechazar todo poder político del Papa y de los sacerdotes para legislar. (shrink)

ResumenEl artículo estudia el significado de ‘paz’ en El defensor de la paz, la principal obra de Marsilio de Padua y, probablemente, del pensamiento político de la Baja Edad Media. Marsilio considera la ley el fundamento de la civitas y la paz el objetivo de su institución; y sitúa en el poder temporal del sacerdocio –del Papa en particular–, la causa de la guerra civil que dividía la sociedad cristiana y azotaba, en especial, el Imperio y el norte de Italia. (...) Analizamos el vocabulario de la paz en los textos mismos del Defensor Pacis; reconstruimos su historia conceptual desde el latín clásico hasta su dimensión teológica; y examinamos cómo opera dentro de la teoría racional del poder que defiende Marsilio el concepto de paz civil, muy diferente del ideal de paz espiritual propio de la tradición medieval. El propósito es demostrar la coherencia de este concepto con un nuevo paradigma político que excluye al sacerdocio del poder secular.Palabras clave:Paz, civitas, poder, papadoThe paper explains the meaning of ‘peace’ in The Defender of Peace, the main Marsilius of Padua’s work and, probably, one of the most outstanding political theories in the Later MThis thinker considers law as the base of civitas and peace as the aim of its creation; and he thinks that the temporal power of priesthood, especially of the Pope, is the cause of the civil war that was dividing christian society and devastating, in particular, the Empire and Northern Italy Middle Ages. We analyze the vocabulary of peace in the own texts of Defensor Pacis and we reconstruct its conceptual history from classical latin to its theological approach; then, we examine how the concept of civil peace, very different from the spiritual ideal of peace in the medieval tradition, works inside the rational theory of power advocated by Marsilius. The purpose is to show the coherence of this concept with a new political paradigm, which rejectes any secular power for the Pope or priests.Key words:Peace, civitas, power, papacy. (shrink)

This study aims to test the theoretical model of career adaptability of refugees to investigate the dynamics of successful resettlement. The theoretical model is grounded on career construction and social network theory. We employ quantitative and qualitative methodologies to test the model in a sample of Venezuelans living and working in Colombia. The quantitative results provide partial support for Campion’s model. However, we test an alternative model and find that career adaptability has a direct relationship with subjective resettlement. In addition, (...) cultural identification plays a buffering role on the harmful effects of discrimination on subjective resettlement. Qualitative results from eight in-depth interviews shed light on the process of refugee resettlement, thus revealing the role of social networks. Our study contributes to previous research on refugees by testing, adapting, and expanding a novel model of work resettlement and focusing on a group of refugees transitioning from one emerging country to another emerging country. (shrink)

A principios del siglo XIV algunos autores, como Juan de París y Dante, se apoyaron en el aristotelismo para defender la separación del poder religioso y del poder secular. Marsilio de Padua, en cambio, combatió el supremo poder del Papa sobre la base de que no existe poder religioso, porque no hay más que un solo poder: el gobernante civil. El artículo muestra las principales diferencias entre la concepción dualista de los primeros y el monismo marsiliano.

The paper explains the meaning of law and its political function in Marsilius of Padua’s philosophy. This thinker is interested, above all, in statehood and he points out that law is the ground of civitas (polis or political community). His emphasis on law means that the main question is what makes law, law. It isn’t the content of justice, but the coercive command of the legislator, who has the authority to give law and to punish its transgression, because a law (...) is a command whose disobedience leads to punishment. Therefore such definition of law runs into the question for the law-giver: it is “the whole corporation of citizens or its weightier part (valentior pars)”, that is to say, the rightful representation of the whole community, but never any other part of community, not even priests or doctors. The definition of law, which involves the unity of community and the sole legislator, is the philosophical ground to refute any political power for the Pope or priests to make laws. (shrink)

Marsilius of Padua’s thinking represents an unprecedented attempt to base power on rational grounds. Two centuries earlier than Machiavelli, Marsilius had developed a political theory that was very different from traditional medieval thought and had offered for the first time an autonomous explanation of power, without referring to a higher order or law to justify its existence. These two Italian writers were passionate about politics and, touched by the political instability in their motherland, sought to maintain peace. They held that (...) the State does not have a moral purpose, only a political one, and that the prince’s or ruler’s task is to guarantee that it functions, making use of coercion or force as necessary. This article deals with the main commonalities and differences between the two philosophers. (shrink)

Los esfuerzos por demostrar la influencia de la filosofía nominalista en la teoría política de Marsího de Padua no han tenido éxito. Otras corrientes de pensamiento y escuelas filosóficas, como el aristotelismo heterodoxo, el corporativismo medieval e incluso la concepción orgánica de la sociedad tienen más influencia en el Defensor pacis, concebido y escrito varios años antes de ser compañero de Ockham en la Corte imperial de Luis de Baviera. El artículo examina los textos en los que se ha basado (...) la interpretación nominalista del pensamiento de Marsilio. La conclusión es que la teoría de la civitas que expone Marsilio no está basada en la concepción nominalista de la sociedad. En su lucha contra la plenitud o potestatis del Papado, Marsihio construye una civitas, en la que no cabe el poder eclesiástico diferente del secular. El resultado son dos modelos de sociedad distintos: dualista el de Ockham; mucho más monolítico el de Marsilio, que no reconoce a los ciudadanos individuales ni a las partes de la civitas capacidad para actuar autónomamente. (shrink)

The paper explains the meaning of law and its political function in Marsilius of Padua’s philosophy. This thinker is interested, above all, in statehood and he points out that law is the ground of civitas (polis or political community). His emphasis on law means that the main question is what makes law, law. It isn’t the content of justice, but the coercive command of the legislator, who has the authority to give law and to punish its transgression, because a law (...) is a command whose disobedience leads to punishment. Therefore such definition of law runs into the question for the law-giver: it is “the whole corporation of citizens or its weightier part (valentior pars)”, that is to say, the rightful representation of the whole community, but never any other part of community, not even priests or doctors. The definition of law, which involves the unity of community and the sole legislator, is the philosophical ground to refute any political power for the Pope or priests to make laws. (shrink)

Recensión: CORBI, Marià. Para uma espiritualidade leiga . São Paulo: Paulus, 2010. 294 p. [ Hacia una espiritualidad laica, sin creencias, sin religiones, sin dioses . Barcelona: Herder, 2007, 350 p.].

Resenha do livro de Maglio, Gianfranco, Autonomia della città dell’uomo e religione in Marsilio da Padova. S. Pietro in Cariano: Il Segno dei Gabrielli editori, 2003, 226 páginas.

The Problem of Perception offers two arguments against direct realism--one concerning illusion, and one concerning hallucination--that no current theory of ...

In this paper I examine Grace A. de Laguna’s theory of universals in its historical context and in relation to contemporary debates in analytic metaphysics. I explain the central features of her theory, arguing that her theory should be classified as a form of immanent realism and as a powers ontology. I then show in what ways her theory affords a theory of modality in terms of potentialities and discuss some of its consequences along the way.

A. H. Louie's More Than Life Itself is an exploratory journey in relational biology, a study of life in terms of the organization of entailment relations in living systems. This book represents a synergy of the mathematical theories of categories, lattices, and modelling, and the result is a synthetic biology that provides a characterization of life. Biology extends physics. Life is not a specialization of mechanism, but an expansive generalization of it. Organisms and machines share some common features, but organisms (...) are not machines. Life is defined by a relational closure that places it beyond the reach of physicochemical and mechanistic dogma, outside the reductionistic universe, and into the realm of impredicativity. Function dictates structure. Complexity brings forth living beings. (shrink)

This book argues for the use of nonideal theory in social ontology. The central claim is that a paradigm shift is underway in contemporary social ontology, from ideal to nonideal, and that this shift should be fully followed through. To develop and defend this central claim, the first step is to show that the key questions and central dividing lines within contemporary social ontology can be fruitfully reconstructed as a clash between two worlds, referred to as ideal and nonideal social (...) ontology. Ideal social ontology is characterized by consensus and cooperation, while nonideal social ontology is characterized by conflict and contestation. The second step is to show that, when taken together, objections to the standard model of ideal social ontology (the dominant version of ideal social ontology) imply that this model needs to be given up in favor of nonideal social ontology. In other words, we should look to nonideal rather than ideal social ontology for core concepts. The third step is to offer a positive account, called the power view, of nonideal social ontology. This account places the concept of social power at the core of a general theory of the social world and replaces the flat and narrow conception of power in ideal social ontology with a richer and more extensive conception. In addition, it rectifies a shortcoming in nonideal social ontology by attending to class, which has been notably and oddly overlooked in the literature. (shrink)

This companion is a cutting-edge primer to critical forms of the posthumanities and the feminist posthumanities, aimed at students and researchers who want to catch up with the recent theoretical developments in various fields in the humanities, such as new media studies, gender studies, cultural studies, science and technology studies, human animal studies, postcolonial critique, philosophy and environmental humanities. It contains a collection of nineteen new and original short chapters introducing influential concepts, ideas and approaches that have shaped and developed (...) new materialism, inhuman theory, critical posthumanism, feminist materialism, and posthuman philosophy. A resource for students and teachers, this comprehensive volume brings together established international scholars and emerging theorists, for timely and astute definitions of a moving target – posthuman humanities and feminist posthumanities. (shrink)

I. Ókor -- II. A középkor és a reneszánsz -- III. Az újkor.

On fundamentals of Vedanta and science; a study.

La admirable riqueza cultural y artística del Renacimiento esconde una desoladora miseria y aquella "edad de la abundancia" contrasta con una inmensa pobreza. Lejos de ser una broma o una pesadilla, la celebrada Utopía de Tomás Moro fue antes que nada un desafío insoslayable, pues proponía que ninguna sociedad merece tal nombre si tolera la miseria de un solo pobre. Rico y pobre explora la cuestión en ese libro de 1516 y en otros del escritor londinense para concluir con un (...) esbozo de su vida a la luz de la pobreza como virtud indispensable y libertadora. He aquí un hombre afortunado que no fue indiferente ante el infortunio de tantos y que vio en la humanitas la virtud por excelencia que lleva a una constante atención y cuidado del prójimo. Inspirado por un cambio de actitud en su época, así como por su fe cristiana y la mejor tradición estoica, mostró una robusta preocupación sobre el tema subrayando el valor social que debe tener toda riqueza, tanto a nivel estatal como individual, destacando la grave obligación cívica de los ricos y la necesidad que tienen todos, ricos y pobres, de empeñarse en la práctica de cierto desprendimiento y generosidad si no quieren mermar su propia humanidad y fallecer en su avaricia. La percepción de la miseria había cambiado de tal manera que su remedio ya no podía estar en una u otra limosna en plazas e iglesias, sino en la acción bien pensada y perentoria de todo gobierno que se tenga por justo. Sir Tomás Moro, privilegiado desde la cuna y seguro en su trabajo profesional, vio la pobreza de tantos como un desastre social, pero uno que, al mismo tiempo, debería llevar a todo ser humano a ver en el desprendimiento y generosidad una excelencia o virtud que alumbra la "otra" libertad, y tan íntima y valiosa que en su caso brilló aun en la prisión y ante el horror de una muerte injusta y atroz." -- Page 4 of cover. (shrink)