Photius’ lexicon contains an entry on the rare adjective ἀναλφάβητος (‘illiterate, ignorant’) that cites Phrynichus Atticista. Based on this testimony, the whole passage has been edited as fr. 19 of Phrynichus’ Praeparatio sophistica. This article demonstrates that in this lemma Photius conflates material which comes from Phrynichus and one other source, hypothetically identified with the anonymous Antiatticist lexicon, which preserves an abridged entry on ἀναλφάβητος and which Photius employed in the compilation of his lexicon. The article also (...) explores the possibility that the work in which Phrynichus dealt with ἀναλφάβητος was not the Praeparatio sophistica but the Eclogue. This hypothesis requires challenging some assumptions concerning the transmission of Atticist lexicography in the Byzantine era, chiefly the assumption that material from the Eclogue did not circulate at Byzantium before the fourteenth century. (shrink)

The present article analyzes Photius'Lexiconand Eustathius of Thessalonica'sCommentarii ad Homeri Iliademin order to trace the history and reconstruct the recipe of a dish called kandaulos/kandylos. It was a Greek delicacy, which appears to have been developed in Lydia before the middle of the VI th c. B.C. It is known to have been named after king Candaules, who ruled the Lydian territory in the VII th c. B.C. The dish was (via the Ionians) borrowed by the Helens and established (...) itself in Greece sometime in the V th c. B.C. It became popular in the Hellenistic periodThe testimony provided by Photius and Eustathius of Thessalonica contributes to our better knowledge of two varieties ofkandaulos/kandylos. The first was savoury and consisted of cooked meat, stock, Phrygian cheese, breadcrumbs and dill (or fennel). The other included milk, animal fat, cheese and honey. The dish is reported to have been costly, prestigious and indicated the social status of those who would eat it.Though there is much evidence suggesting its popularity in antiquity, we lack any solid proof thatkandaulos/kandyloswas eaten in Byzantine times. On the other hand, Byzantine authors preserved the most detailed literary data on the delicacy. (shrink)

My subject is two fragments of rhetorical commentary that appear both in an anonymous manuscript collection of quotations ‘From Longinus’ and in Photius' Bibliotheca. My purpose is to clarify some observations that have been made on them by modern scholars and thus offer a correction or two. The collection of separate quotations labelled κ τν Λογγνου in Laurentianus 24, Plut. 58, was given its title by a later hand different from that of the writer of the original. The grounds (...) for that mistaken heading were that the name ‘Longinus’ appears in the second of the fragments. Aristotle and Theophrastus, however, are cited in other quotations, and most are anonymous, with as yet no particular resemblance found to wording in other rhetorical literature. Each begins with the word τι. All are general remarks on subjects such as rhetorical tropes, style, and different types of speeches. They are, in effect, scholia without a text. (shrink)

My subject is two fragments of rhetorical commentary that appear both in an anonymous manuscript collection of quotations ‘From Longinus’ and in Photius' Bibliotheca. My purpose is to clarify some observations that have been made on them by modern scholars and thus offer a correction or two. The collection of separate quotations labelled κ τν Λογγνου in Laurentianus 24, Plut. 58, was given its title by a later hand different from that of the writer of the original. The grounds (...) for that mistaken heading were that the name ‘Longinus’ appears in the second of the fragments. Aristotle and Theophrastus, however, are cited in other quotations, and most are anonymous, with as yet no particular resemblance found to wording in other rhetorical literature. Each begins with the word τι. All are general remarks on subjects such as rhetorical tropes, style, and different types of speeches. They are, in effect, scholia without a text. (shrink)

Le penseur byzantin du neuvième siècle Photius a consacré plusieurs courts traités à la question catégoriale, commentant neuf des dix catégories aristotéliciennes une à une. Il est aussi revenu dans deux courts textes – les Amphilochia 27 et 230 – sur la question de la prédication. Il s’interroge dans ces deux traités sur le mode de prédication propre aux termes « homme » et « humanité », analysant notamment le référent de ces termes. Ces réflexions contiennent plusieurs thèses significatives (...) de son ontologie particulariste. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Byzantinische Zeitschrift Jahrgang: 107 Heft: 1 Seiten: 1-36.

Le lecteur moderne demeure dérouté par les ekphraseis de bâtiments des textes byzantins. Il est en effet difficile de les considérer comme des sources pour l'archéologie ou l'Histoire de l'art, et la recherche tend à leur égard à adopter deux approches : l'une, plutôt liée à l'Histoire et à l'Histoire de l'art, s'emploie à retrouver des éléments réels de bâtiments ou d'œuvres d'art dans ces textes ; l'autre, plutôt philologique, cherche à considérer ces textes en eux-mêmes pour leur valeur littéraire. (...) Serait-il cependant possible de chercher une voie médiane? Une voie qui accepterait qu'une part de l'étrangeté de ces textes, nécessairement due à la langue et à l'époque, le soit également parce que l'expérience de lecture entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne a radicalement changé. Il manquerait au lecteur moderne, non l'imagination, mais les mécanismes et les résultats de l'imagination médiévale. Les échos lexicaux et thématiques qui balisent le texte et qui en dessinent l'architecture en seraient la clef aboutiraient à un texte en 3D (trois dimensions), c'est-à-dire une projection mentale de l'objet décrit non pas comme simple image donnée par l'information contenue dans le texte, mais comme image construite par la composition du discours. Ainsi, au fur et à mesure qu'un auteur décrit un bâtiment, le texte le (re)construit en mots et in fine en a épousé la forme. (shrink)

In this paper I will focus on a crux in two Platonic scholia, where manuscripts have the impossible διονύσιον, but Greene suggests δίκαιον. This amendment was made on the basis of a gloss of Photius’ Lexicon, although the corresponding gloss of Suidas confirms the text of Platonic scholia. However the agreement with Photius is not so important, not only because it is impossible to prove that he reproduces the text of the glossary composed by the Atticist Aelius Dionysius (...) without any modification (it is also the source of Suidas and other Byzantine lexica, and especially of the so called Erweiterte Synagoge, which the Platonic scholia derive from as well), but also because our scholia reveal elsewhere a major affinity with Suidas than with Patriarch’s Lexicon. In the light of a careful review of the loci paralleli I therefore suggest the reading δημόσιον. (shrink)

This article uses the personal diaries and memoirs of Archpriest Sergius (Sergei) Bulgakov to examine the circumstances of his expulsion from Bolshevik-occupied Crimea in late 1922. At the time, he was rector of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Yalta. The expulsion of Fr. Sergius was part of a large-scale operation to expel the humanist intelligentsia, who did not fit within the ideological contours of the new government. We will examine the political aspects of the condemnations of Fr. Sergius’s doctrine of (...) Sophia, the theological development of which he began in exile. We will also examine aspects of Fr. Sergius’s attitude to monarchy and his belief in the “white tsar,” noting that Bulgakov’s position as an émigré could hardly be characterized as monarchical. Sophiology may be the political equivalent of ecclesiastical democracy, of faith in the ecclesiastical people and the Christian community, which was alien to the conservative monarchism of Orthodox believers abroad, centered in Serbia’s Sremski Karlovci. We will examine the circumstances of the church’s condemnation of Fr. Sergius, which took place against the context of canonical uncertainty, and we will touch upon some aspects of the contemporary reception of Sophiology in Russia in a political context (V. Bibikhin, O. Kirichenko). (shrink)

In his tale entitled The Nameless City, Howard Phillips Lovecraft includes unspecified «paragraphs from the apocryphal nightmares of Damascius» among the «fragments» of the «cherished treasury of daemoniac lore» of the protagonist In the present essay, I suggest that there is a connection between this unusual reference and a note in the writer’s Commonplace Book, which refers to the notice by Photius on a lost work by Damascius that nowdays is generally referred to as Paradoxa and assumed to consist (...) of a variegated collection of extraordinary stories and facts. I, therefore, delineate a general presentation of the testimony by the Byzantine Patriarch, upon which I attempt to bring into focus the motivations that led the Providence to make the writer insert the name of Damascius in the fantastic plot of his story. (shrink)

After a short presentation on the figure and work of Novatian to give context to the evidence, this article examines the sources on the episcopal consecration of Novatian as a rival to Cornelius, the bishop of Rome. We learn of this from Photius’ Bibliothecae codices 182 and 280, which preserves fragments of the lost works against the Novatians of Eulogius, Chalcedonian patriarch of Alexandria, which draw in turn on the lost Acta Nouatiani. This study proposes to identify Tibur (Tivoli) (...) as the episcopal see of one of the three prelates who consecrated Novatian, thus allowing us to include in the episcopal succession of that Church two more names (one certain, the other fictitious, perhaps referring to one of Novatian’s entourage) for the middle of the third century. This is unique for an Italian see outside the city of Rome. (shrink)

In cod. 212 of his Bibliotheca, Photius provides some information of great importance for our scanty knowledge of Pyrrhonian scepticism between Timon and Sextus.

En me fondant sur le témoignage de Photius sur l’Anthologion de Jean Stobée (Bibl., cod. 167) et en considérant d’abord l’architecture de l’ouvrage et les aspects techniques de la composition, je me propose d’évaluer la possibilité d’une nouvelle lecture, selon laquelle le florilège de Stobée n’aurait pas été destiné à une instruction scolaire générale ni adressé à un destinataire unique, son propre fils Septimius, mais, tout en relevant indéniablement de la littérature didactique, aurait eu en quelque sorte un caractère (...) propédeutique, en présentant à l’utilisateur l’inventaire général du monde ordonnée logiquement, et en utilisant une tradition gnomologico-doxographique antérieure avec un dessein culturel nouveau. (shrink)

Many Byzantine texts are still provoking fierce debates over their dates of composition. The recent examples falling only into the 9th c. include the Bibliotheca of Photius, the Chronicle of George the Monk and the Life of the patriarch Nicephore by Nicetas the Deacon. In this article we will venture to call into question the accepted date of the no less well-known and important text, the Life of the patriarch Ignatius by Nicetas David the Paphlagonian.

Sophocles, fr. 316 comprises matching entries in Photius,Lex.p. 489 Porson and theSudaρ166, which are thought to derive from Pausanias the Atticist's dictionary. Erbse presents the following text (ρ5):ῥικνοῦσθαι: τὸ διέλκεσθαι καὶ παντοδαπῶς διαστρέφεσθαι κατ' εἶδος. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὸ καμπύλον γίγνεσθαι ἀσχημόνως καὶ κατὰ συνουσίαν καὶ ὄρχησιν, κάμπτοντα τὴν ὀσφῦν. Σοφοκλῆς Ἰχνευταῖς.

Theodore the Studite resolved the logical problem posed by the second Iconoclasm in an explicitly paraconsistent way, when he applied to Jesus the definition of the human hypostasis while stating that there is no human hypostasis in Jesus. Methodologically he was following, albeit without knowing, Eulogius of Alexandria. He, in turn, was apparently followed by Photius, but in a confused manner.

Scholia from the Byzantine era on Lucian of Samosata era are unusually abundant and unusually prodigal in invective. Hostility was inspired not only by the Peregrinus, in which Lucian ridicules the Church and its martyrs, but by dialogues which were read as oblique assaults on Christianity because they slighted all belief in providence and regard for things divine. Most assaults are bombastic rather than eloquent, and deaf to Lucian's humour; Arethas, a younger contemporary of Photius, attempts without success to (...) outdo the satirist in wit and in philosophy. Photius himself, however, hints that his lampoons on pagan credulity might supply a Christian arsenal, and the author of the spurious Philopseudes comes closer to Lucian's manner than any of the scholiasts, initially in defence of monotheism, and then for some partisan object which continues to afford matter for debate. (shrink)

Die Beschäftigung mit der Hand des Theodoros Skutariotes wird durch das Fehlen eines von ihm subskribierten Exemplars erschwert. Über seine Tätigkeit als Patriarchatsbeamter, Metropolit von Kyzikos und Chronist hinaus ist Theodoros der Forschung jedoch als Handschriftensammler und -besitzer bekannt. Ausgangspunkt jeder Untersuchung zu seinem Schriftstil sind deshalb die Marginalien der Kodizes, die sich in seinem Besitz befanden. Durch seinen autographen, monokondylischen Besitzervermerk †σϰουταϱϊώτου λευίτου θεοδώϱου† konnten bisher sechs Kodizes seiner Bibliothek zugeordnet werden: 1. Marcianus gr. 450, 9./10. Jh., Photius, (...) Bibliotheca. 2. Parisinus gr. 1741, 10. Jh., Sammlung rhetorischer Traktate. 3. Oxoniensis Cromwell 19, 11. Jh. 2. H., Ioannes Chrysostomus, Homiliae 1–45 in Matthaeum. 4. Athous, Kutlumusiu 15 , 12. Jh., Gregorius Nazianzenus; Ioannes Chrysostomus. 5. Parisinus gr. 1234, 13. Jh. 2. H., Nicetas Choniates, Panoplia Dogmatica. 6. Vaticanus gr. 636, 13. Jh. 2. H., Euthymius Zigabenus, In s. Pauli epistulas. (shrink)

L'auteur démontre que le Commentaire sur l'Ecclésiaste du Pseudo-Grégoire d'Agrigente , l'anonyme Dialexis kata Ioudaiôn , les neuf homélies anonymes sur S. Jean et S. Matthieu éditées par Karl Hansmann, et la Theognôsia attribuée, à tort, à Grégoire de Nysse , sont issus d'une seule et même plume, et que cet auteur prolifique doit être identifié avec Métrophane de Smyrne, adversaire acharné de Photius.

Tall tales abound in Ctesias' Indica, as scholars have not hesitated to emphasize, heaping ridicule on the author's enthusiasm for the fantastic and on his apparent lack of regard for the truth. However, by no means everything in the work is absurd or wrong, and marvels too are no surprise. After all, as a resident of the Persian court for a number of years at the end of the fifth century B.C., Ctesias had seen items from India which would have (...) been truly remarkable to Greeks of his time. He had seen, for example, elephants, which few Greeks before Alexander's Asian campaigns had done, and, it should be added, much of what he says about these animals is quite correct. The following pages discuss what he relates of the bird which he calls the βττακκος, the parrot, or rather what Photius in a not entirely problem-free section of his summary of the work preserves of the original description. As with Ctesias' account of the elephant, this is the first Greek description, so far as we know. (shrink)

Tall tales abound in Ctesias'Indica, as scholars have not hesitated to emphasize, heaping ridicule on the author's enthusiasm for the fantastic and on his apparent lack of regard for the truth. However, by no means everything in the work is absurd or wrong, and marvels too are no surprise. After all, as a resident of the Persian court for a number of years at the end of the fifth century B.C., Ctesias had seen items from India which would have been (...) truly remarkable to Greeks of his time. He had seen, for example, elephants, which few Greeks before Alexander's Asian campaigns had done, and, it should be added, much of what he says about these animals is quite correct. The following pages discuss what he relates of the bird which he calls the β⋯ττακκος, the parrot, or rather what Photius in a not entirely problem-free section of his summary of the work preserves of the original description. As with Ctesias' account of the elephant, this is the first Greek description, so far as we know. (shrink)

In his work "Religion and Church in the History of Ukraine," V.Lipinsky primarily answers the question: Did Volodymyr the Great accept Christianity in the time when Byzantium was still in connection with Rome and the prince was "Uniate", but "Orthodox"? Volodymyr the Great accepted Christianity in time when there was no official gap between Byzantium and Rome, but the relationship between these two Christian hierarchies was already very tense from the days of Photius, which is about a century before (...) Vladimir baptism. The controversy over the primacy between the Pontiffs and the Constantinople Patriarchs did not accept yet the character of the complete rupture and these two hierarchies, arguing with zeal among themselves, all of them mutually recognized. In this mutual recognition of the church hierarchy, there was a connection between the two churches, which already differed considerably in their spirit. (shrink)

αΨδσαι λγεται καí τó φλυαρσαι, τò áπλς †λαβεíν κπ´ παγγεîλαι χωρíς †ργου τινός. This is how W. C. Greene prints the last sentence of the Schol. ad Ion 530a αψδν, which is repeated ad Rep. 373b and in Photius, Suda, Et. Magn., and Lex. Bekk. s.v.αφδοί.

ῥαΨῳδ⋯σαι λ⋯γεται καí τó φλυαρ⋯σαι, τò áπλ⋯ς †λαβεíν κπ´ παγγεîλαι χωρíς †ἒργου τινός. This is how W. C. Greene prints the last sentence of the Schol. ad Ion 530a ῥαψδν, which is repeated ad Rep. 373b and in Photius, Suda, Et. Magn., and Lex. Bekk. s.v.αφῳδοί.

Le lecteur moderne demeure dérouté par les ekphraseis de bâtiments des textes byzantins. Il est en effet difficile de les considérer comme des sources pour l'archéologie ou l'Histoire de l'art, et la recherche tend à leur égard à adopter deux approches : l'une, plutôt liée à l'Histoire et à l'Histoire de l'art, s'emploie à retrouver des éléments réels de bâtiments ou d'œuvres d'art dans ces textes ; l'autre, plutôt philologique, cherche à considérer ces textes en eux-mêmes pour leur valeur littéraire. (...) Serait-il cependant possible de chercher une voie médiane? Une voie qui accepterait qu'une part de l'étrangeté de ces textes, nécessairement due à la langue et à l'époque, le soit également parce que l'expérience de lecture entre Moyen Âge et époque moderne a radicalement changé. Il manquerait au lecteur moderne, non l'imagination, mais les mécanismes et les résultats de l'imagination médiévale. Les échos lexicaux et thématiques qui balisent le texte et qui en dessinent l'architecture en seraient la clef aboutiraient à un texte en 3D, c'est-à-dire une projection mentale de l'objet décrit non pas comme simple image donnée par l'information contenue dans le texte, mais comme image construite par la composition du discours. Ainsi, au fur et à mesure qu'un auteur décrit un bâtiment, le texte le construit en mots et in fine en a épousé la forme. (shrink)