Une longue introduction précède les contributions de ces trois philosophes et théologiens à la querelle sur la distinction entre l'être et l'essence qui anima la Faculté de théologie de l'Université de Paris dans les années 1280.

Pendant plusieurs années, Geoffroy de Lagasnerie s’est rendu à la cour d’assises de Paris. Il a vu être jugés et condamnés des individus accusés de braquage, d’attentat, d’assassinat, de coups mortels, de viol. A partir de cette expérience, il propose une réflexion sur l’Etat pénal, le pouvoir et la violence. Nos manières de rendre la Justice s’inscrivent dans un système général et a priori paradoxal : pour juger, les procès construisent une narration individualisante des acteurs et des causes de (...) leurs actes ; mais, pour réprimer, ils transforment chaque action interindividuelle en agression contre la «société» ou contre l’Etat. Comment comprendre ce système du jugement et de la répression et ce jeu des catégories pénales? La Loi est souvent présentée comme instaurant le règne de la raison contre les réactions passionnelles. Ne produit-elle pas en réalité des effets de dépossession et du traumatisme? A quelles conditions une sociologie critique pourrait-elle nous donner les moyens d’imaginer un droit moins violent, un Etat moins souverain et une justice plus démocratique? En mêlant récits et analyses théoriques, Geoffroy de Lagasnerie montre que l’institution judiciaire ne forme pas seulement une réponse à la délinquance. La scène du tribunal, où un individu est forcé de comparaître devant des juges, est un miroir grossissant de notre appartenance à l’Etat. Si bien que, au bout du compte, cet ouvrage offre une exploration de notre condition de sujet politique. Geoffroy de Lagasnerie, philosophe et sociologue, est professeur à l’Ecole nationale supérieure d’arts de Paris-Cergy. Il est l’auteur notamment de L’Art de la révolte. Snowden, Assange, Manning (Fayard, 2015), La Dernière Leçon de Michel Foucault (Fayard, 2012), Logique de la création (Fayard, 2011). (shrink)

J. M. M. H. Thijssen - Nicolas d'Autrécourt et la Faculté des Arts de Paris - Journal of the History of Philosophy 46:1 Journal of the History of Philosophy 46.1 172-173 Muse Search Journals This Journal Contents Reviewed by Johannes M. M. H. Thijssen Radboud University Nijmegen Stefano Caroti and Christophe Grellard, editors. Nicolas d'Autrécourt et la Faculté des Arts de Paris . Quaderni di Paideia, 4. Cesena: Stilgraf Editrice, 2006. Pp. 329. e32.00. This (...) book is a coherent set of papers resulting from a conference organized by its editors, Stefano Caroti and Christophe Grellard. In the opening paper, William Courtenay rightly observes that the 1330s are an understudied period in the intellectual history of the University of Paris, especially with respect to its.. (shrink)

Ce livre rassemble des conférences données par le philosophe belge Maurice de Wulf sur le sujet de l'art et de la beauté. Il a été publié par l'Institut de Philosophie et la Librairie Félix Alcan. This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work is in the "public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you (...) may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. (shrink)

La narration de l’histoire du problème des universaux souffre d’une importante lacune : on ne sait rien du traitement que ce problème a reçu de la part de ceux qui faisaient profession de philosopher à l’Université de Paris entre 1230 et 1260. C’est à ce deficit de savoir que le présent ouvrage s’attaque. Il se déploie en trois dimensions. En premier lieu, nous offrons une édition critique et une traduction française sectorielles d’un commentaire latin sur l’Isogoge de Porphyre ayant (...) pour auteur un dénommé Robertus Anglicus qui, comme nous le montrons, fut magister artium à Paris aux alentours de 1250. En deuxième lieu, nous sondons l’architectonique de ce texte et des écrits parallèles que rédigèrent des philosophes contemporains, nommément Jean le Page, Nicolas de Paris et Robert Kilwardby. Finalement, par l’entremise d’une étude comparative qui met à profit des œuvres inédites de ces artiens, nous explicitons, interprétons et évaluons les schèmes de lecture, les séquences argumentatives et les composantes doctrinales qui forment la “moelle” philosophique du commentaire isagogique de Robertus Anglicus. (shrink)

Résumé Sans négliger les autres documents pertinents dans un tour d’horizon final et comparatif, cette étude s’efforce de dépeindre l’enseignement universitaire de la philosophie tel qu’il se reflète dans le miroir des textes didascaliques artiens de Paris jusqu’au mitan du xiiie siècle, tout en fournissant en annexe un premier répertoire, encore partiel, de ce corpus, avec ses éditions et ses traductions. Malgré son caractère généralement pratique et institutionnel, certains de ses éléments théoriques — comme la mise en relief de (...) la liaison intime, trame sapientielle de ces écrits de maîtres ès arts, entre théologie cosmique et éthique philosophique — permettent d’espérer que cet article apporte une véritable contribution à l’Histoire de la philosophie.Without neglecting the other relevant documents in a final comparative survey, this study tries to depict the university teaching of philosophy as reflected in the mirror of the Parisian didascalical texts of the Arts Faculty during the first half of the thirteenth century, while giving in appendix a first repertory, still partial, of this corpus, with its editions and translations. Notwithstanding its generally practical and institutional character, some of its theoretical elements — such as the highlighting of the close relationship between cosmical theology and ethical philosophy, a sapiential thread in those arts masters writings — it is hoped that this article may prove a genuine contribution to the History of philosophy. (shrink)

In the mid-1260s in Paris, a dispute raged that concerned the relationship between faith and the Augustinian theological tradition on the one side and secular leaning as represented by the arrival in Latin of Aristotle and various Islamic and Jewish interpreters of Aristotle on the other. Masters of the arts faculty in Paris represented the latter tradition, indicated by the phrase "double truth theory." In 1269, Thomas Aquinas wrote the polemical work On There Being Only One Intellect, (...) Against the Averroists (De unitate intellectus contra averroistas). Thomas is intent on countering two views: first, that intellect is not a faculty of the soul that animates our body, and second, that there is a single intellect existing separately that suffices for all people. Brief as it is, this work puts into play all the significant strands of Thomas's teaching on man - historical doctrinal, philosophical, and theological. It is a valuable source for discussing Thomas's views on the relationship between Aristotle and Christianity and puts to rest the misleading claim that Thomas baptized Aristotle." The introduction places the work historically and sketches the controversy to which it was a contribution. Part 2 includes the Latin Leonine text and McInerny's translation. Part 3 analyzes the basic arguments of Thomas's work and provides a series of interpretive essays meant to make Thomas accessible to today's readers. (shrink)

Au paragraphe 59 de la Critique de la faculté de juger, juste avant de se lancer dans la Critique du jugement téléologique, Kant écrit une phase que rien dans la Critique du jugement esthétique, qu’il s’apprête à conclure, n’annonçait : “Je dis maintenant que le beau est le symbole du bien moral”. Il fait toutefois précéder cette ligne d’une explication de ce qu’il entend par “symbole”, qu’il illustre par un exemple qui semble aussi abrupt et hors contexte que la (...) phrase sur le symbolisme moral du beau lui-même : “Ainsi représente-t-on un état monarchique apr un corps animé s’il est gouverné selon des lois internes du peuple, mais par une simple machine (comme, par exemple, un moulin à bras) s’il est gouverné par une volonté singulière absolue.” Le présent article prend son départ dans la précipitation quasi-freudienne de Kant, qui concerne tant la phrase sur le symbolisme que l’exemple étrangement politique illustrant ce qu’il entend par “symbole”, afin de mettre à jour la validité de son affirmation sur le symbolisme moral du beau pour notre époque. (shrink)

Helvétius and the philosophy of happiness.--The player's illusion.--The beyond.--The question of free will.--The insurrection of the vertebrates.--The pessimism of Leopardi.--The colors of life.--The art of seeing.--The rivers of France.--The fall of days.--Insinuations.--Footprints on the sand.

Édition du troisième sophisma « Omnis homo de necessitate est animal » du ms. Paris, BnF Lat. 16135. Le texte anonyme, contenu aux f. 99rb-103vb, appartient à la seconde collection de sophismata transmis dans ce codex légué à l’Université de Paris par Étienne de Genève socius du Collège de Sorbonne, après avoir été maître ès arts à Paris dans les années 1270. Il offre un panorama des principales positions soutenues au xiiie siècle par les Antiqui et (...) les Moderni sur la sémantique des termes vides, la distinction entre l’esse essentiae et l’esse existentiae, l’être effectif et l’être logique, le temps et la modalité. (shrink)

Marcel Beaufils fut un pedagogue exceptionnel qui exerca une influence decisive sur l'evolution de l'esthetique musicale en France, a partir des annees 50. Or, parmi ses ouvrages, Musique du son, musique du verbe est tres certainement celui qui porte le plus fortement la marque de son activite d'enseignant au Conservatoire National Superieur de Musique de Paris ; cette mission, il semblait l'entendre davantage comme celle d'un declencheur d'idees, catalyseur, plutot que du transmetteur d'un savoir fige une fois pour toutes. (...) Bouleversant toute tentative de classification academique, toute certitude acquise, ce livre laisse des pointilles ; un grand souffle traverse son ecriture. N'en deplaise aux musicographes, il s'agit la d'un ouvrage de creation, qui nous rappelle que Marce Beaufils etait egalement un ecrivain qui savait manier le verbe a la fois en tant que dramaturge et en tant que poete. (shrink)

"Charles Marville is widely acknowledged as one of the most talented photographers of the nineteenth century. Accompanying a major retrospective exhibition at the National Gallery of Art in honor of Marville's bicentennial, Charles Marville: Photographer of Paris surveys the artist's entire career. This beautiful book, which begins with the city scenes and architectural views Marville made throughout France and Germany in the 1850s, also explores his portraits and landscapes s before turning to his photographs of Paris made both (...) before and after the city's dramatic modernization in the 1850s and 1860s. Commissioned to record the city in transition, Marville created one of the earliest and most powerful photographic series documenting urban transformation on a grand scale. Despite the importance of his work, Marville has long been an enigma in the history of photography, in part because many of the documents about his life were thought to have been lost in a fire that destroyed Paris's city hall in 1871. Based on meticulous research, this volume reveals many new insights into Marville's personal and professional biography, including the central fact that he was born Charles-Franðcois Bossu. He shed this name and adoptedthe pseudonym Marville when he began his career as an illustrator in the 1830s. With five essays by respected scholars, this book offers the first comprehensive examination of Marville's life and career and delivers the much-awaited public recognition his photographs so richly deserve"--. (shrink)

Pour accompagner l’exposition Mélancolie, génie et folie en Occident, la Réunion des musées nationaux fait paraître une histoire de la mélancolie rédigée par l’historienne de l’art Hélène Prigent, sorte de catalogue condensé des œuvres présentées au public entre la fin de l’année 2005 et le début de 2006, qui reprend d’ailleurs le découpage thématique et chronologique retenu par Jean Clair. Le projet est ambitieux puisqu’il s’agit de rendre compte de la persistance de ce thème depuis l’Antiqu..

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Toward the Materiality of Aesthetic ExperiencePeter de Bolla (bio)Over the last twenty years or so it has become a commonplace in discussions of "aesthetics" or of "art" in the most general sense to note that the term "aesthetics" was only very recently invented by Alexander Baumgarten in 1735, where it appears in his Meditationes philosophicae de nonnullis ad poema pertinentibus [see Menke 40; Dickie; Eagleton]. But the force of (...) this observation in regard to the relative youth of the concept is rarely, if ever, commented upon. As many philosophers and critics have pointed out, Baumgarten's use of the term was not primarily angled at what today might be unproblematically called "artworks"—say, paintings in the European grand master tradition—since his new kind of investigation was to be a "science of sensual recognition," that is, a general inquiry into how we come to know the world from the evidence of our senses. But, as is also frequently remarked, early on in the tradition of speculation now associated with "aesthetics as the study of art" the mutual attraction (to put it in the most anodyne terms) of "art" and "aesthetics" seems to have been extremely strong. As Jonathan Ree remarks, "the real begetter of the philosophical doctrine connecting the arts with the empirical senses—what we might call the aesthetic theory of the arts—was Gotthold Ephraim Lessing" [58]. From this point on (for heuristic purposes it may be identified with the date of publication of Lessing's Laokoon in 1766), artworks, which heretofore had not required a specific branch of inquiry in order for them to make sense or be conceptually grounded as art, are almost universally assumed to require "aesthetic" contemplation or appreciation.1 It is curious, then, that before 1766 such a mode of experiencing artworks had not been felt to be lacking.One might understand this observation both historically and philosophically, and both approaches, it seems to me, are needed. In the case of the first, a number of material effects conspired across mid-eighteenth-century Europe to produce what was in essence the modern art market. These include the legal establishment of copyright, first in England in 1709 but only by the end of the century in France and Germany; the foundation of various institutions whose primary purpose was the promotion and establishment of the fine arts: academies of painting, sculpture, or letters either with or without royal patronage; the public exhibition of paintings (from 1737 in France and 1761 in England); the opening of royal collections to public view (during the second half of the century in London, Paris, Munich, Vienna and Rome); the development of public concerts of secular music (in small scale from the 1670s in England but only becoming fully integrated in fashionable social life by mid-century); the construction of purpose-built concert venues (the Gewandthaus in Leipzig, a former cloth merchant's hall, was remodeled in 1781 in order to accommodate a resident orchestra, in effect becoming the first dedicated concert hall in Europe); the foundation of literary periodicals and review media; the emergence of social spaces and rituals encompassing polite discussion of [End Page 19] literature (coffeehouses, the construction of dedicated library rooms in domestic settings); and the promotion of architecture to a fine art through various societies, competitions, and the public display of architectural drawings in exhibition contexts (the Royal Academy yearly show included both drawings and models). These and other material conditions helped define the fine arts and construct a market in and for them.2 By the 1770s the category of the "fine arts" was well established in Britain, Germany, and France: Charles Batteux's Les beaux arts reduit a un meme principe, first published in France in 1746, was quickly translated into English as The Polite Arts; or, a Dissertation on Poetry,Painting, Musick, Architecture, and Eloquence in 1749 and into German in 1751. By 1771 a four-volume General Theory of the Fine Arts had been published for the German public by J. G. Sulzer.All of this points to the fact that the concept of the "artwork" is subject to both historical and material pressures. Prior to the mid-eighteenth... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:diacritics 34.2 (2006) 3-13 [Access article in PDF] Biographical Illusion and Methodological Reality Leland De La Durantaye Pierre Bourdieu. Esquisse Pour Une Auto-Analyse. Paris: Raisons d'Agir, 2004. 1 Like his student and friend Nietzsche, Jacob Burckhardt often stressed the necessity for a scholar to work in solitude. Like Nietzsche, he also possessed a gift for acidic analogy and likened the world of academia to a group of dogs (...) sniffing one another.Few observers of the academic interactions of his time had such sharp senses as Pierre Bourdieu, and few have been as torn between solitary reflection and communal exchange. Trained by France's most elite academic institutions (such as the celebrated Parisian lycée Louis-le-Grand and the even more celebrated École Normale Supérieure), Bourdieu was grateful for the opportunities that this training afforded him. And he felt that this gratitude could best be repaid by submitting those elite academic institutions and their insular world to an unsparing critique, to unveiling the distance that separated their stated ideals from their real effects.Like Bergson and Jaurès, like Sartre and Aron, like Foucault and Derrida, Bourdieu studied that which was most difficult and most prestigious where it was most difficult and prestigious: philosophy at the École Normale Supérieure. Like those famous fellow alumni, he was a brilliant student, and like them, he longed to distinguish his personal vision from those around him. This led him to do something surprising, something that, despite their separate and significant dissatisfactions with the philosophy of their day, neither Bergson nor Sartre, neither Foucault nor Derrida ever did: he abandoned philosophy. He left what he saw as the intellectual royal road for the most pedestrian of paths—that of sociology.As he often reminded his readers, sociology was in a sorry state when he entered it. Both in academic appraisal and the popular imagination, it was considered dry and provincial. It was thought to have no true intellectual adventure in it—nothing of the ethnologist tramping through the rain forests of the Amazon, nothing of the lone philosopher working through the night on an opus to end metaphysics. It was laborious and abstract; it dealt in statistical generalities. Bourdieu repeatedly described sociology as "the pariah of disciplines."1 He had, however, a special mission for it in mind. [End Page 3]In Bourdieu's posthumous memoir Esquisse pour une auto-analyse, published in February 2004—two years after his death—by the small publishing house he helped found, Raisons d'Agir, he notes how, "a bit as a joke," he had often defined himself as "the leader of a liberation movement aiming to free the social sciences from philosophy's imperialism" [94].2 From early on in his career, he had wished to revolt against the "empire of the total philosopher"—an empire reigned over by, more than any other, Jean-Paul Sartre [cf. 25].3 Looking back upon this decisive period of his development, Bourdieu goes so far as to state that the shaping of his identity was done "against everything which the Sartrian enterprise represented for me" [37]. In historical accounts, Sartre is often given as counterfigure his friend and fellow normalien Raymond Aron. In his Esquisse, Bourdieu proposes a different, and less conventional, counterfigure for the imperial philosopher: the brilliant Austrian satirist and cultural critic Karl Kraus. Bourdieu notes the particular affection he had always felt for Kraus and attributes it to the latter's singular capacity for "critical reflectivenesss" [37]. Subtly, and appropriately, Bourdieu follows this remark with something that occurs nowhere else in his memoir: an epigram (the composing of which Kraus excelled in). Bourdieu writes: "there are a great many intellectuals who question the world, but there are very few intellectuals who question the intellectual world" [37]. The remark could not more compactly and precisely reflect what Bourdieu had aspired all his life to do: to excel in the art and science of questioning the intellectual world. 2 Leo Spitzer liked to cite Friedrich Gundolf's dictum "Methode ist Erlebnis" (method is lived experience). Nearing the end of his career... (shrink)

IT is well known that the art of logic (logica or diale(c)tica) knew a remarkable flourishing period during the twelfth century. In the first half of the century its main centres in Paris were: the School of Notre DameI, of St. Victor2, of the Petit Pont3 and of Mont Ste Geneviève4. The present paper aims to offer some new evidence from the manuscripts on the teaching of logic as given in the School of Mont Ste.

L'esthétique, en tant que discipline philosophique traitant de l'art née au sein de la culture occidentale, n'a été introduite que tardivement dans les autres cultures, notamment asiatiques, où existaient pourtant de longue date des notions, formulées dans leurs langues pour rendre compte de l'expérience esthétique et évaluer les oeuvres artistiques. Alors, ne peut-on trouver, des résonances entre langages artistiques entre l'Asie et l'Occident? Tel est le pari qui sous-tend le recueil de textes rassemblés ici.

O novo livro sobre Jean-Jacques Rousseau, ao qual esta resenha se dedica, chama-se Rousseau et le spectacle, organizada por Christophe Martin (Universidade Paris-Ouest Nanterre La Défense), Jacques Berchtold (Universidade Paris-Sorbonne) e Yannick Séité (Universidade Paris VII-Diderot). O volume é fruto de um Colóquio internacional intitulado Rousseau et le spectacle, ocorrido entre 15 a 17 de março de 2012, na capital francesa, em ocasião das comemorações do tricentenário de nascimento de Rousseau.

« Ce petit livre est un bijou d’intelligence, de finesse, de culture, qui prend un objet technique sans rechigner et le tourne et le retourne comme Heidegger nous avait appris à le faire avec les chaussures de Van Gogh. Ce qui frappe, c’est l’ambition d’une méditation sur les cartes de la modernité contemporaine, sur le fameux Grand Paris, sur le sujet, sur le pluriel, sans les faux-fuyants du postmoderne, de la citation absurde. Luis de Miranda se promène, il vous (...) conte qu’il se promène, mais il vous mène avec une grande maîtrise et sait où il veut aller. Rien de gratuit dans cette rencontre de l’enseigne de kebabs sur la table de dissection de la Ville Néon. C’est plutôt une nouvelle méditation cartésienne après Descartes et Husserl : où le poêle et sa chaleur ont fait place au bruit vrillant du gaz dans un tube. Je suis, je crée, donc j’entends. » Yann Moulier-Boutang, ancien élève de l’ENS, professeur agrégé d’économie à l’université de technologie de Compiègne, directeur de la revue Multitudes. Né d’une rencontre inopinée avec un néon sur le quai du Louvre, ce livre a été composé à partir d’un séminaire donné par l’auteur à l’hiver 2012. Un voyage inspiré à travers la nuit, qui déchiffre les halos du passé et les reflets du présent pour donner à entendre une certaine magie du futur. Luis de Miranda, philosophe, romancier, révélateur du créalisme, est notamment l’auteur d’un essai remarqué, L’art d’être libres au temps des automates (Max Milo, 2010). (shrink)

Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben is the rare writer whose ideas and works have a broad appeal across many fields, and his devoted fans are not just philosophers, but readers of political and legal theory, sociology, and literary criticism as well. In March 2009, Agamben was invited to speak in Paris’ Notre-Dame Cathedral in the presence of the Bishop of Paris and a number of other high-ranking church officials. His resulting speech, a stunningly lucid and provocative look at the (...) history and state of the Church and its role in society, is presented here. _The Church and the Kingdom_ is at once a pointed attack on the institutional structure of the Catholic Church and a theoretical excursus on the concepts of messianic time and economy. Presenting an exegesis of certain key passages in the New Testament, Agamben examines the philology and philosophy at the root of the Church and of its earthly reign. With its examinations of the foundational texts of the Church, which are also the foundational texts of our modern idea of economy, _The Church and the Kingdom_ reveals significant connections and parallel ideologies which are imperative to understanding the current global situation. This edition of Agamben’s text is accompanied by photographs by artist Alice Attie. Made from folded and twisted reproductions of paintings culled from Christian iconography, these works of art evoke the restless challenge that well-characterizes Agamben’s four decades of philosophy and critique. This book will be welcomed by Agamben’s many readers across the disciplines. (shrink)

Cette édition numérique a été réalisée à partir d'un support physique, parfois ancien, conservé au sein du dépôt légal de la Bibliothèque nationale de France, conformément à la loi n° 2012-287 du 1er mars 2012 relative à l'exploitation des Livres indisponibles du XXe siècle. Un colloque pour le 350e anniversaire du « Discours de la méthode » de Descartes. « Copyright Electre » Pages de début Note bibliographique Avant-propos Ouverture I - L'unité et les méthodes du discours La chronologie des (...) six parties Cohérence ou incohérence du Discours? Descartes et la Méthode en 1637 L'explication rationnelle entre méthode et métaphysique L'explication scientifique II - La science et les essais La Dioptrique et Kepler L'arc-en-ciel dans les Météores Mersenne, la pesanteur et Descartes Descartes et les mathématiques au collège Les Essais de la Méthode et la réforme mathématique III - « Je pense » et la morale Problèmes logiques du Cogito Le sum dans le cogito sum Descartes et la question de la technique La morale provisoire et la découverte métaphysique de l'homme chez Descartes IV - L'évidence et la métaphysique Les preuves de l'existence de Dieu dans la quatrième partie du Discours Certitude et fondement - L'évidence de la raison et la véracité divine dans la métaphysique du Discours de la Méthode La situation métaphysique du Discoursde la Méthode Les désordres du rationalisme Pages de fin. (shrink)