Loin d’épouser le schéma d’un État fédéral (inachevé), la structure juridique fondamentale de l’Union européenne est celle d’une union cosmopolitique au sens où Kant en avait exposé l’épure dans « La Paix perpétuelle », selon trois « niveaux de relations du droit public » ( ius civitatis, ius gentium, ius cosmopoliticum ). Cependant, la dynamique de l’intégration européenne fait émerger des différenciations déroutantes : entre citoyenneté et nationalité, peuple et nation, autorité et souveraineté, souveraineté négative et souveraineté positive, droit international (...) et droit transnational, État et Constitution. En ce qui concerne l’Europe (cosmo) politique, cela ne va pas sans difficulté. L’Union doit en effet faire face à des difficultés internes de responsabilité, d’autorité, de représentativité politiques – bref de légitimité politique du projet européen lui-même, dont il est urgent de repenser les finalités. (shrink)

Comment s’est constituée, dans l’histoire européenne jusqu’aux Lumières, la réflexion sur les phénomènes religieux? C’est la question centrale de ce livre foisonnant de suggestions nouvelles et de remarques pertinentes. Philippe Borgeaud (Ph. B.), professeur honoraire à l’université de Genève, est depuis longtemps l’un des historiens des religions les plus originaux et les plus marquants en Europe. Après son premier livre, Recherches sur le dieu Pan (1979), Ph. B. n’a cessé de franchir les l...

Issu de sa thèse, le livre de Claudine Robert-Guiard se fonde sur l’absence de recherche historique d’ampleur prenant l’histoire des femmes européennes en Algérie pour objet. La conquête et la colonisation, qu’assurèrent respectivement soldats et migrants venus d’Europe, ont été spontanément pensées comme des affaires d’hommes – des affaires viriles. Les sources, en outre, ne s’offrent pas d’évidence, non seulement en raison de la nature même des archives publiques mais aussi, selon l’auteur,...

This essay, which is part of an ongoing monographic study of the Société Européenne de Culture, looks at the SEC's relationship with Europe's communist intelligentsia during the first phase of the Cold War. European intellectual life during this period is generally associated with the Congress for Cultural Freedom. Yet the SEC, the membership of which included some of Europe's most eminent figures, ranging from Camus and Jaspers, to Adorno and Merleau-Ponty, to Lukács and Sartre, can be seen as having provided (...) a reference point particularly for the European left, not least because of its unique openness to communist participation. Giving special attention to the Dialogue Est-Ouest (Venice, March 1956), one of the earliest encounters between Europe's eastern and western intellectuals since before the war, this essay considers how the SEC's engagement with contemporary Marxist theory there not only embedded the dialectic as the SEC's operational method. It also provided an early indication of that institution's imminent shift from a preoccupation with universal values to an awareness of cultural difference and diversity, as a result of the critique of current western liberal ideology and its cultures, undertaken by the SEC in light of the Thaw. (shrink)

The Law of the European Union is multilingual and multijural. Therefore, it is necessary to analyze the problems related to the use of several languages in the writing of European legal texts and to compare the interactions between law and language in the decision-making process at the executive and judicial levels. Finally, the study will focus on the contributions of translation as a linguistic mediation in the communication of the European message on the continent.

Il existe une similitude frappante entre la Convention de Philadelphie qui élabora en 1787 la Constitution des États-Unis, et la Convention européenne dirigée par Valéry Giscard d’Estaing qui siège actuellement, et dont on s’accorde à penser qu’elle devrait conduire à l’adoption d’une constitution de l’Union européenne : les deux Conventions ont été mises en branle pour..

Il existe une similitude frappante entre la Convention de Philadelphie qui élabora en 1787 la Constitution des États-Unis, et la Convention européenne dirigée par Valéry Giscard d’Estaing qui siège actuellement, et dont on s’accorde à penser qu’elle devrait conduire à l’adoption d’une constitution de l’Union européenne : les deux Conventions ont été mises en branle pour...

Ce recueil de textes propose de contribuer à l’histoire des grandes académies scientifiques européennes. Plutôt que de vouloir tenter d’en dégager une homogénéité discutable, les études réunies tentent, au contraire, de montrer comment la pratique académique trouve son unité dans un ensemble de querelles.

L’identité européenne peut être examinée dans sa dimension objective, comme projet descendant tout comme processus ascendant de construction d’une forme authentique de communauté transpolitique, et dans sa dimension subjective, liée à l’identification des individus et des groupes – les Européens –, avec cette nouvelle communauté politique en plus de l’identification déjà établie avec tel ou tel État-nation. La troisième dimension, liée aux modèles interprétatifs pertinents – approche ethno-culturelle/eurosceptique, patriotisme constituionnel européen, approche pluraliste/multiculturelle – fut également un facteur important dans la (...) construction de l’identité européenne. Un nouveau type de communauté politique amène de nouvelles questions : cette Europe est-ce une nation, une Europe de citoyens, une Europe à construire sur des pratiques communes, une Europe chrétienne, ou une Europe des civilisations qui se correspondent et se croisent, une Europe laïque ou une Europe d’héritage religieux chrétien et/ou de religions diverses. Les traités fondateurs définissent l’identité européenne politiquement, à commencer par le slogan « Unité dans la diversité ». Cependant, ce slogan est interprété différemment par les communautaristes/euro-nationalistes, ethno-nationalistes/eurosceptiques, libéraux et républicains/ patriotes constitutionnels européens. Le caractère controversé de l’identité politique doit toujours être gardé à l’esprit. La politique d’identité, l’abus du concept d’identité pensé ethniquement avec ses conséquences guerrières, a représenté l’un des potentiels les plus destructeurs de la politique contemporaine, incluant une région d’Europe . D’un autre côté, les communautés politiques ne peuvent survivre sans force homogénéisante d’une identité commune, ce qui est particulièrement valable pour les communautés démocratiques proposées telles que l’Union européenne. Lorsque il est question de l’identité européenne, le plus important est de définir sa signification dans un sens qui renforcera les capacités démocratiques de l’Union européenne et qui contribuera à surmonter le déficit démocratique ainsi qu’à échapper aux tendances et aux penchants particularistes, xénophones, eurosceptiques. (shrink)

For twenty years, the European Union has qualified as a supranational actor more and more present on the educational scene. Through the European strategies - Lisbon 2010 and Europe 2020 - but also the open method of coordination, an essential mutation has been occurring at the level of Member States. In this article, I intend to analyse in which manner the European Union manages to become a genuine educational actor. Thematic analysis of forty semi-structured interviews conducted with European and international (...) officials demonstrate that the European leaders prepared the European “suitcase” for the first “flight” of 2010 and the second one in 2020. Mainly, this briefcase regroups benchmarks, core competencies, mobility programs and the European qualifications framework. If the European Union is able to “boast” with a national or international political visibility through educational proposals however, an unknown factor remains in this geopolitical equation. (shrink)

Comment penser au-delà de la nouvelle vulgate urbaine sur la ville mondiale ? Nous croyons en effet nécessaire d'entamer une réflexion sur les opportunités d'un autre concept de ville. Peut-on développer un point de vue territorialisé, au-delà des clichés mondialistes, et quels sont les domaines que l'on doit particulièrement approfondir dans les villes européennes ?

La philosophie russe du 19e siècle s'est développée en contact étroit avec la philosophie européenne. L'influence la plus forte a été exercée par la philosophie classique allemande. Cela est illustré de façon frappante par la doctrine de Vladimir Soloviev, un penseur éminent du 19e siècle. Soloviev doit plusieurs principes de sa doctrine à Friedrich Schelling à qui il a emprunté son concept fondamental d'un être " unitotal ". On peut aussi faire remonter jusqu'à Schelling la conviction de Soloviev que la (...) force de la volonté constitue le principe déterminant de l'être, ainsi que sa conception d'un Dieu souffrant et en évolution. Enfin, c'est notamment sous l'influence de Schelling que Soloviev a élaboré sa théorie cosmogonique associée à sa sophiologie qui se fonde sur la thèse de la séparation par rapport à Dieu de Son " Alter Ego ", de Son " Prototype ". D'après Soloviev, " le Second Dieu " ou Sophia-la Sagesse est Dieu-devenu-homme, l'Absolu qui accède à l'être, dont la vie sous-tend le déroulement du processus historique. (shrink)

La philosophie russe du 19e siècle s'est développée en contact étroit avec la philosophie européenne. L'influence la plus forte a été exercée par la philosophie classique allemande. Cela est illustré de façon frappante par la doctrine de Vladimir Soloviev, un penseur éminent du 19e siècle. Soloviev doit plusieurs principes de sa doctrine à Friedrich Schelling à qui il a emprunté son concept fondamental d'un être " unitotal ". On peut aussi faire remonter jusqu'à Schelling la conviction de Soloviev que la (...) force de la volonté constitue le principe déterminant de l'être, ainsi que sa conception d'un Dieu souffrant et en évolution. Enfin, c'est notamment sous l'influence de Schelling que Soloviev a élaboré sa théorie cosmogonique associée à sa sophiologie qui se fonde sur la thèse de la séparation par rapport à Dieu de Son " Alter Ego ", de Son " Prototype ". D'après Soloviev, " le Second Dieu " ou Sophia-la Sagesse est Dieu-devenu-homme, l'Absolu qui accède à l'être, dont la vie sous-tend le déroulement du processus historique. (shrink)

La spécialisation sans l'universalisme est aveugle mais l'universalisme sans la spécialisation est inconsistant. Pour avoir su concilier l'une avec l'autre, l'ouvrage de E. R. Curtius sur "La littérature européenne et le Moyen âge latin" demeure l'une des sources fondamentales de la réflexion littéraire contemporaine. Il le doit tout d'abord à la rigueur d'une méthode dont l'intransigeante précision ne le cède en rien à celle des sciences de la nature car pour Curtius "la philologie démontre à l'aide des textes, tout comme (...) la géométrie démontre à l'aide des figures." C'est dire que dans cette œuvre l'étude des faits littéraires n'est altérée par aucun présupposé doctrinal étranger à son objet. Il le doit surtout à, l'ampleur de la perspective adoptée qui, de Virgile à Dante et de Vico à Goethe, reconstitue magistralement l'unité de la tradition culturelle latine. (shrink)

Après avoir situé la signification politique de la Convention et du projet de Constitution, l’article analyse la place reconnue aux valeurs dans le projet européen, d’abord dans l’histoire de l’institution européenne depuis 1950, ensuite dans son développement. Il met ensuite en avant la nécessité d’un débat politique interconvictionnel sur les questions fondamentales du sens dans la société européenne. Il situe dans ce cadre les débats difficiles qui ont eu lieu autour des préambules de la Charte des droits fondamentaux et de (...) la Constitution , et autour de l’article 51 . Enfin, il explicite quelques conditions d’une participation féconde des Églises au débat européen. (shrink)

Dans le cadre des luttes pour l’indépendance en Inde et du renouvellement des normes de la mode féminine en Europe, des Anglaises telles Annie Besant, Margaret Noble, Madeleine Slade quittent à leur arrivée en Inde leurs robes traditionnelles pour des habits qui réélaborent des éléments empruntés à la culture indienne. Les pratiques vestimentaires témoignent, particulièrement dans le contexte anticolonial, d’un enjeu crucial tant pour les autorités britanniques que pour les Indiens. Tandis qu’Indiens et Indiennes modifient leurs habits en réponse aux (...) pressions des codes vestimentaires coloniaux, ces « saris européanisés » affirment publiquement à la fois leur sentiment politique anti-impérialiste et un programme national et social pour les Indiens sous-tendu par une forte dimension féminine. Ils fonctionnent comme un lieu de négociation des relations coloniales par la contestation ouverte des notions impérialistes de domesticité et l’introduction de nouvelles formes de sociabilités politiques. (shrink)

1 This article is taken from Walter Lipgens, A History of European Integration Volume I: 1945–1947 The Formation of the European Unity Movement , chap. II/5, pp. 361–385. Reprinted with the permission of the author, Oxford University Press and Klett-Cotta Verlag, Stuttgart, publisher of the original German edition.

Présentation des articles qui suivent sur la réception européenne de la psychologie de William James. Comment la contribution de ce « philosophe américain » à l’édification conceptuelle de la « psychologie » a-t‑elle été reçue, traduite et discutée en son temps dans les espaces universitaires européens non anglophones : italophone, francophone et germanophone? Quelles définitions de la psychologie impliquaient les appropriations conceptuelles de différentes disciplines (médecine, sciences, lettres)? Pourquoi James s’est-il peu à peu imposé commune figure nodale de ce nouveau (...) savoir? (shrink)

The authoress focuses her attention on three major issues. She starts her deliberations by referring to the roots of philosophical and pedagogical ides of Europeanism. Then, she describes contemporary Europe from the perspective: of the world (external) and Europe itself (internal) creating a perspective for further analyses. Assuming that education is a screen of culture, the authoress points out interpretative bridges aimed at portraying education holistically understood as: being in the world, in Europe, “at home”. Ultimately, she shows the challenging (...) areas for education, which should integrate three modi of contemporary man’s existence: cosmopolitan, European, ethnic. (shrink)

The European Constitution risks promoting a Europe cut off from two fundamental realities : the multitudes and the world. A double denial that could only be carried out in the form of a deadly neonationalism. In the face of that, let us recall that a Constitution is only one element in the self-organization of our societies. In the framework of the Great Deterritorialization of the planet, societies must now compose forms of reterritorialization open to the worlds that overflow them, and (...) they must give rights to all the forms of life they include. This inclusion, which is not assimilation, is what the author calls residence. A Europe able to encourage the powers of being would be quite the opposite of a power-hungry Europe. (shrink)

La place de l’homme dans le monde ne s’épuise pas pour Vivès aux conséquences théologiques de la Chute. L’humanité a le pouvoir de combiner l’usage de la raison théorique et de la raison pratique et fait face, par là même, à sa condition initiale par l’éducation, le savoir et l’éthique. Dès lors, le devenir historique est indissociable du monde de la culture dont la finalité est la réalisation de la liberté et de la concorde.

In Belgium the European elections and those for the regional councils were held on the same day. The elections of June 13th 2004 deserve a threefold analysis. First a comparison can be made with the results obtained five years ago for the same assemblies. lt shows that in Flanders the socialist party has progressed but that this advance was mainly due to the constitution of a cartel with one faction - Spirit - of the defunct Volksunie. The christian democrats made (...) headway, their progress being enhanced by the contribution of N-VA, the other faction stemming from the Volksunie. The liberals declined fairly markedly as did the green party but to a lesser extent than in the elections for the federal parliament. The June 2004 elections saw above all progress for the extreme right Vlaams Blok, which has become the second biggest party of Flanders with 24 pct of the vote. In the Walloon provinces the socialists progress most thereby increasing the gap separating them from the liberals. The christian democrats advance somewhat while the green party Ecolo declines substantially. The parties of the far right gain support and reach 8.73 pct of the vote. In Brussels the socialist advance is very marked allowing this party to conquer first place to the detriment of the liberals who are in decline. The progress made by frenchspeaking christian democrats is significant.A second approach for the analysis consists in comparing the results of the regional elections with those of the European ones. The differences are slight and rnainly due to the popularity of the candidates. In Belgium there was no "eurosceptic" or "sovereignty" list. The third angle consists in comparing the 2004 results with the ones of the parliamentary elections of 2003. One then observes in Flanders a decline of the socialists, a significant fall in support for the liberals and a progression of the christian democrats. But the main development remains the progression of the Vlaams Blok which gains more than 6 pct compared to its good result of 2003. In the Walloon provinces, the socialists remain at their 2003 level but increase their positive gap with regard to the liberals who are in decline. The christian democrats advance by some 2 pct whereas Ecolo recovers a small part of its 2003 loss. The parties of the far right gain some 1.5 pct. In Brussels, the most noteworthy developrnent is the progress of the frenchspeaking socialists who take over the first place from the liberals.In genera!lthese elections are characterised by a reinforcement of the far right to the detriment of the centre parties and by a status quo of the aggregate consisting of socialists and greens, but to the benefit of the former. (shrink)

Organized for the third time, the elections for the European Parliament at direct universal suffrage, in June 1989, had the following main characteristics: a still weak turnout, a progress for the socialist parties in most countries, a rather distinct rise of the Environmentalists and an indisputable rise of some far-right parties.In Belgium, the results cannot be compared exclusively with those of the 1984 European election. They must be seen in the continuation of the 1985 and 1987 general elections.Then, the main (...) characteristics are as follows : a near disappearance of the farleft lists associated with the absence of communist lists, a very marked rise of the Environmentalists, stronger in the Walloon Region than in Flanders, a progress for the Christian lists, especially for the C.V.P. in the Flemish districts, a setback for the Flemisch Socialists and a progress for the French-speaking Socialists in comparison with the 1984 poll. This progress, however, was not important enough as to enable them to regain their 1987 level. The Liberals are experiencing a setback compared with 1987 in the three regions of the country and, as far as the P.R.L. is concerned, even in comparison with 1984 and 1985.The Volksunie is suffering a serious setback, that is certainly benefitting to the Vlaams Blok, which, however, is also attracting voters from different political origins on issues similar to those of the far right.The analysis also contains a comparison between the results of the European election and those of the election for the Council of the Brussels-Capital Region, in a set of three districts where the voters were exactly the same. (shrink)

The European election which took place on June 17, 1984 must be seen in a more national than European context. Compared with previous general elections, the turn-out was generally lower and individual candidates polled a larger number of votes. Ought the Christian Democrats and Liberals, who make up the ruling coalition, be pleased about their respective results? A careful approach is required to answer that question. For the country as a whole, thefour governing parties lost 2.45 % of their share (...) of the vote in relation to the 1981 general election. This cannot be seen either as a massive repudiation or as a very satisfactory result. After two and a half years in power, this can be regarded as an average performance. However, if one takes a closer look at it, the result cannot be said as being very satisfying. In Flanders, the Liberals suffered a severe setback whereas the level of support for the Christian Democrats was only fractionally higher than in 1981. Between them, the two governing parties lost 6.72 % of the votes. In Brussels, the four ruling parties gained 9.89 %. This is partly due to two factors: the votes polled by Mr. Nols and, more importantly, the fact that no UDRT candidate stood in the election. It is not at all certain that a similar result would be recorded at a general election. Finally, in Wallonia, the two governing parties put up a good fight and gained 1.37 % of the votes whereas the Socialists and the Green movement made gains not because the ruling parties suffered a defeat but because of the considerable losses both by the Communist Party and by the nationalist parties. (shrink)

This article analyses the results recorded in Belgium in connection with the election of 10 june 1979 for the European Parliament. A first fact that should be brought under the attention is undoubtedly the decrease in the turnout at the poll, in spite of the legal obligation to vote, as well as the considerable augmentation of blank and void votes. One in five of the Belgian electors did not express his opinion. The results in the Walloon part of the country (...) reveal a setback of the Left, votes having swung especially from the Socialists, although also from the Christian Democrat Party to the Enveronmentalists, the «Rassemblement Wallon» and in a less degree to the Liberals. In the Flemish cantons, the great winner was the Flemish Christian Democrat Party, partly thanks to Mr. Tindemans' personal success. The Socialists succeeded in interrupting the downward move, started several years before, but the Liberals receded as did the nationalist parties. The Environmentalists are progressing. In Brussels, the Liberals are strongly moving forward as are the Flemish Christian Democrats, whereas the French-speaking Socialists, Christian emocrats, Regionalists and the Flemish Nationalist parties are losing ground.The election which did not stir much interest was marked by a «personalisation» of the votes, a phenomenon most spectacularly illustrated by Mr. Tindemans who obtained more than one million preference votes, viz. nearly 30 % of the valid votes in the Dutch-language constituency. (shrink)

On june 13th, the Belgian voters had to choose their representatives in four assemblies: the European Parliament, the Chamber of Representatives, the Senate, and the Regional Council of either the Flemish, the Walloon or the Brussels Capital regions accordingly.Thus these elections made it possible to measure possible differences in the results a same list obtained in the different polls. These differences could be observed for some lists, but not for all and were essentially due to the personality of certain candidates (...) rather than to a political will to differentiate, with the exception perhaps of the Ecologists, who traditionally perform better in European elections.These elections also saw an increased use of computer based voting: some 44 % of the registered voters had to express their choice via a computer screen. As a consequence one observed a sensitive drop in "blank and spoilt" ballots.The elections have been characterized by several phenomena. First, there was a marked decline, amounting to some 10 % of the votes, in the support for the parties of the outgoing majority: christian democrats and socialists. In losing each somewhat less than 5 %, they have both hit their historical low and together no langer hold a simpte majority in Parliament.The liberal family bas become the largest in Belgium, which had never accured since the introduction of the single vote system. This first position was conquered more through the decline in the results of the socialists and the christian democrats than via a true advance of the liberals. Though the Flemish component of the liberals progressed by 1.14 %, the French-speaking wing receded by 0.13 %.The overall winners of the elections are the ecologists who on the whole climb from 8. 44 % to 14.36 %. This progression is ho wever proportionately much more marked for the French-speaking component than for the Flemish part. Ecolo bas become the thirdmost important party of Wallonia and the second one in Brussels, whereas Agalev remains the fifth party in Flanders.The extremist parties have had diverging results. The extreme left remains altogether very marginal in Belgium, whereas the extreme right appears to be a typically Flemish phenomenon. Indeed, the Vlaams Blok increases its share of votes by 3.12 % and with 15.31 % has become the third party in Flanders and thereby even surpasses somewhat the result obtained by the VN.V in 1939.The French-speaking extreme right suffered a decline due among others to internal divisions and only stands for 4.09 % in Wallonia and 4 % in Brussels. As a consequence of these results the composition of the assemblies has changed drastically. To constitute a government holding a simpte majority in the Chamber of Representatives, one needs at least three political families or two families and the support of another party. In the Flemish parliament, one needs either a three party coalition, but necessarily comprising the CVP, or a four party coalition to obtain a majority. In the Walloon parliament, a two party coalition is only possible if the PS participates.In Brussels, the Vlaams Blok, although passing from 2 to 4 seats, bas not succeeded in paralysing the functioning of the institutions as this party didn't obtain the majority in the Flemish group.Opinion polls held before the elections had forecast the direction in which votes would shift, but not the extent. The dioxine crisis bas reinforced this shift and has undoubtedly accentuated the progression of the ecologist lists. (shrink)