This paper begins with the opposition common to almost all discussions of the nation and nationalism: that between the cultural and the civic nation. Behind this opposition, however, one can detect a certain "complicity" between the two conceptions. And in order to understand the nature of this complicity, the paper proposes to re-examine the origins of the modern nation during the French Revolution. The first nation, it is argued, was conceived in strictly contractual terms; and yet within only a few (...) years the revolutionaries began stumbling towards a more cultural understanding of the nation, which served to complement its contractual definition. This turn to a more cultural discourse must be understood as responding to three rather pressing problems faced by an exclusively contractual conception. First there is the need to find a stable anchorage for the nation in space and time. Second are the difficulties posed by a purely voluntarist conception of national citizenship. Third, and above all, there are the seemingly uncontrollable conflicts borne by the identification of the nation with its political "constitution," and with the revolutionary regime said to embody that constitution. In this perspective, the emergence of a more cultural discourse must be seen as an attempt to stabilize the post-revolutionary regime by depoliticizing the "idea" of the nation. As such, this discourse's emergence is inseparable from "the discovery" of society separate from the instance of democratic, political institutions. The nation, then, has two discourses because it has a dual nature, both political and social. The paper concludes with a reflection on the hyphen in the term "nation-state," as indicating the need to bring society and polity together, but also to keep them apart. (shrink)

This article provides a general, theoretical reflection on the decline of the normative dimension in postmodern societies. Modern societies were the first to recognize themselves as societies, that is, to reflect explicitly on the normative basis of their constitution. With the decline of modernity, societal integration, which was based in part on the collective solidarity borne of an idea of Justice, has dissolved into merely `social' forms of integration, legitimized in terms of a claim to operational perfection. At a purely (...) epistemological level, this results in a profound misunderstanding of the subjective and unitary character of society and social action. The article ends in a plea for the recovery of a reflection on values, understood not just as a change in values, but as a change in the relation to values, necessary to confront the irreducible plurality of the world. (shrink)

Comment nous orienter dans le monde? C'est la philosophie politique qui peut le mieux nous y aider, répond Pierre Marient. Son livre propose un tableau raisonné du monde actuel. Il est, par là même, nécessairement aussi une réflexion sur le siècle écoulé, sur les guerres et les totalitarismes qui en ont occupé une si grande part. L'auteur s'efforce de saisir les articulations selon lesquelles notre monde s'ordonne et se meut. Il considère d'abord notre régime - la démocratie; puis notre forme (...) politique - la nation. Il réfléchit sur les rapports que l'une entretient avec l'autre et sur la crise qui les menace : au seuil du nouveau siècle, la démocratie tend à se détacher non seulement du cadre politique national accoutumé, mais même de toute forme politique reconnaissable. Les cœurs sont émus et les esprits obnubilés par la perspective prochaine d'une démocratie pure, délivrée de la vieille politique, et qui régnerait sans partage selon les règles du droit et les maximes de la morale. Telle est la " grande illusion " de notre temps. Cette " grande illusion ", selon Pierre Marient, est de voir dans la politique l'obstacle qui nous empêche d'accéder à la vraie vie. C'est au contraire l'ordre politique qui est le véritable ordre humain. (shrink)

Like the latter, it unites into one and the same function the possibility of giving things a sign, of representing one thing by another, and the possibility of causing a sign to shift in relation to what it designates. The four functions that define the ...

Includes bibliographical references and index.