Résumé À première vue, les idées morales de l’abbé de Condillac (1714-1780) – et contrairement à celles de son frère Mably – ne doivent pas être comptées au rang de ses succès. Sans postérité apparente, elles ont surtout souffert d’un étonnant manque de notoriété dès le siècle des Lumières et ce jusqu’à nos jours. Aucun des grands commentateurs, contemporains ou plus anciens, de la pensée du philosophe ne s’y est arrêté avant que deux thèses de doctorat récentes ne viennent remettre (...) en cause cet état de fait. Leurs interprétations des idées morales de Condillac sont cependant assez divergentes. La première s’appuie principalement sur l’ Essai sur l’origine des connaissances humaines (1746) et conclut à une forme particulière de morale déontologique. Celle-ci s’appuierait sur la connaissance du principe de conservation de soi, limitatif de la volonté et créateur de devoirs, au travers du langage articulé des êtres humains. La seconde, s’appuyant sur le rôle des besoins et le « calcul des plaisirs et des peines », tente d’inscrire la morale condillacienne dans une optique plutôt utilitariste. Cet article s’inscrit clairement dans cette seconde perspective. Il s’attachera d’abord à présenter en quoi les principes de l’association humaine (de « l’état de nature » au « contrat ») et de la morale sont chez Condillac le résultat de la nécessité de « se conserver », cette dernière notion devant être entendu au sens large de la satisfaction de tous les besoins de l’homme social. Nous verrons ensuite comment Condillac propose un véritable « calcul moral » qui conduit les individus à agir vertueusement tout en n’ayant pour objet que leur intérêt propre. Enfin, la conclusion inscrira cette théorie morale au carrefour des conceptions de Jean-Jacques Burlamaqui et celles des utilitaristes français de la seconde moitié du xviii e siècle, les idées de Condillac constituant finalement un pas supplémentaire, par rapport au droit naturel, vers une morale conséquentialiste. (shrink)

What is the self? The question has preoccupied people in many times and places, but nowhere more than in the modern West, where it has spawned debates that still resound today. In this 2005 book, Jerrold Seigel provides an original and penetrating narrative of how major Western European thinkers and writers have confronted the self since the time of Descartes, Leibniz, and Locke. From an approach that is at once theoretical and contextual, he examines the way figures in Britain, France, (...) and Germany have understood whether and how far individuals can achieve coherence and consistency in the face of the inner tensions and external pressures that threaten to divide or overwhelm them. He makes clear that recent 'postmodernist' accounts of the self belong firmly to the tradition of Western thinking they have sought to supersede, and provides an open-ended and persuasive alternative to claims that the modern self is typically egocentric or disengaged. (shrink)

This paperback edition reproduces the complete text of the Essay as prepared by professor Nidditch for The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke. The Register of Formal Variants and the Glossary are omitted and Professor Nidditch has written a new foreword.

v. 1. Esprit philosophique.--v. 2. Esprit révolutionnaire.

Nul ne lira un Traite aussi surprenant que le Traite des animaux de Condillac publie en 1755, un an apres le Traite des sensations. Dans un premier temps, il s'agit pour Condillac de sauver son propre systeme: puisque la sensation definit la base de la connaissance et du psychisme, comme l'animal en beneficie (il voit comme nous), il faut lui reserver ce que l'homme en retire, et en consequence, ecarter les theories qui rabaissent l'animal (reduit a une pure machine). Le (...) second moment institue la comparaison entre l'homme et l'animal et defend l'idee d'une continuite entre eux: l'animal est susceptible de juger, de penser, de representer, etc. C'est grace au langage (les signes d'institution) que l'homme va pouvoir prolonger et depasser l'animalite qui ne peut tabler sur des signes naturels - cris et gestes faiblement communicatifs. Il faudra un long temps pour que soit emprunte pareil chemin (les Lorez, les von Frisch entre autres) et encore ces biologistes ne sont-ils alles qu'a la moitie du parcours condillacien. Le Traite des animaux est donc un texte premonitoire et decisif: il n'est plus necessaire d'abaisser l'animal, afin d'elever l'homme, cesse l'opposition entre eux. (shrink)

L'Essai sur les origines des connaissances humaines, publie en 1746, constitue une piece majeure dans l'histoire de la reception francaise de Locke, dont Condillac revise la methode et les resultats. Il montre le role des signes dans les progres de l'esprit humain; il interroge les circonstances concretes qui determinent ce processus; il radicalise l'entreprise reductionniste, en decouvrant la genese, non plus seulement des connaissances, mais bien des facultes. Cette tentative illustre une these capitale sur la solidarite des operations de l'ame (...) et du materiau (sensible) auquel elles s'appliquent, qui oriente egalement la lecture des grands systemes classiques: c'est a l'aune de cet empirisme rigoureux, appuye sur la methode analytique, que Condillac discute (et parfois utilise) Descartes, Spinoza, Leibniz ou Malebranche. Ainsi l'auteur de l'Essai peut-il affirmer qu'il reforme, non seulement Locke, mais la metaphysique elle-meme, desormais limitee a la theorie de la connaissance: la prise de conscience des principes est toujours solidaire d'une reflexion de l'esprit sur son histoire. (shrink)

David Hume's A Treatise of Human Nature presents the most important account of skepticism in the history of modern philosophy. In this lucid and thorough introduction to the work, John P. Wright examines the development of Hume's ideas in the Treatise, their relation to eighteenth-century theories of the imagination and passions, and the reception they received when Hume published the Treatise. He explains Hume's arguments concerning the inability of reason to establish the basic beliefs which underlie science and morals, as (...) well as his arguments showing why we are nevertheless psychologically compelled to accept such beliefs. The book will be a valuable guide for those seeking to understand the nature of modern skepticism and its connection with the founding of the human sciences during the Enlightenment. (shrink)

And yet, as one advances further in the present edition, one realizes that in several respects its format fits Condillac's thought surprisingly well, particularly his rigorous, intransigent rationalism and his strong sense of the structure of thought. Condillac's starting point is in Locke's empiricism and in a determined anti-metaphysical and anti-systematic conviction; he set out to go beyond even Locke's tabula rasa sensationalism. Not only should the entire content of our mind be traced back to sense impressions which had been (...) received from objects outside of us or by inner impressions, but even the faculties and acts of the mind which transform these data into ideas should be explained as the effect of characteristics that are inherent in sensations. This was the thesis and the intent. But as Condillac's philosophy developed, the constructive, Cartesian forces of his mind, his almost passionate demand for precision, mathematical cogency and radical analysis became more and more prevalent. Already the subtitle of the 1746 edition of the Essai sur l'origine des connaissances humaines announces the Cartesian heritage or parentage; the subtitle reads: "ouvrage où l'on réduit à un seul principe tout ce qui concerne l'entendement.". (shrink)

Denis Diderot’s natural philosophy is deeply and centrally ‘biologistic’: as it emerges between the 1740s and 1780s, thus right before the appearance of the term ‘biology’ as a way of designating a unified science of life (McLaughlin), his project is motivated by the desire both to understand the laws governing organic beings and to emphasize, more ‘philosophically’, the uniqueness of organic beings within the physical world as a whole. This is apparent both in the metaphysics of vital matter he puts (...) forth in works such as D’Alembert’s Dream (1769) and the more empirical concern with the mechanics of life in his manuscript Elements of Physiology, on which he worked during the last twenty years of his life. This ‘biologism’ obviously presents the interpreter of Diderot with some difficulties, notably as regards his materialism, given that contemporary forms of materialism have on the contrary strongly rejected notions of emergence, vitalism, teleology and any concepts appealing to unique, irreducible features of organisms. In response, some have described him as a ‘holist’ (Kaitaro) while others have emphasized his materialist, naturalist project (Bourdin, Wolfe). In what follows I examine a little-known aspect of Diderot’s articulation of his biological project: his statement in favour of epigenesis within the short but suggestive Encyclopédie article “Spinosiste.” Diderot was, of course, a partisan of epigenesis (the developmental-biological theory opposed to preformation, according to which beings develop by successive adjunction of layers of matter), but why include a statement in favour of a particular biological (or developmental) theory within an entry dealing with a philosopher, Spinoza, who does not seem to have been concerned at all with the specific properties of living beings, how they grow from embryonic to developed states, and so on? By trying to answer this question I also try and locate Diderot’s biological project in relation to what will become, in the years after his death, the project for a science called ‘biology’, with figures such as Treviranus and Lamarck. For it is not clear that the two can be easily correlated or causally linked: Diderot’s ‘epigenetic Spinozism’ is a different conceptual entity from what we find in histories of biology. (shrink)