En este artículo se quiere mostrar que hay un tercer concepto de libertad aparte de los dos descritos por Isaiah Berlin. Para llevar a cabo su propósito el autor realiza una reconstrucción histórica del concepto hobbesiano de libertad y del concepto de libertad al que éste se opuso. Se concluye señalando que, aunque el concepto de libertad como no interferencia pudo se un ideal valioso en el mundo occidental de la posguerra, hay otros conceptos de libertad que son igualmente valiosos (...) en relación a la concepción que tengamos del carácter normativo de la naturaleza humana. (shrink)

An analysis of the 1784 essays by immanuel kant and moses mendelssohn on the question "what is enlightenment?" emphasis is placed on discussions of the nature and limits of enlightenment within the berlin "aufklarung" as evidenced by debates within the berlin "mittwochsgesellschaft" (a secret society of "friends of the enlightenment") and articles in the "berlinische monatsschrift". Among the views surveyed are those of the publicists johann erich biester, Friedrich gedike, And friedrich nicolai, The jurists karl gottlieb svarez and ernst ferdinand (...) klein, The physician johann karl wilhelm mohsen, And the theologian johann friedrich zollner. (shrink)

In this masterful work, both an illumination of Kant's thought and an important contribution to contemporary legal and political theory, Arthur Ripstein gives a comprehensive yet accessible account of Kant's political philosophy. In addition to providing a clear and coherent statement of the most misunderstood of Kant's ideas, Ripstein also shows that Kant's views remain conceptually powerful and morally appealing today.

The long republican tradition is characterized by a conception of freedom as non‐domination, which offers an alternative, both to the negative view of freedom as non‐interference and to the positive view of freedom as self‐mastery. The first part of the book traces the rise and decline of the conception, displays its many attractions and makes a case for why it should still be regarded as a central political ideal. The second part of the book looks at the sorts of political (...) and civil institutions that would be required in a society in which freedom as non‐domination is systematically fostered. It outlines the causes and policies, the constitutional and democratic forms, and the regulatory controls that a republican state ought to endorse. And it argues for a vision of the state's relation to civil society in which there is no pretence of doing without widespread civility and trust; the argument is that the state ought, at once, to foster and build on such extra‐political foundations. (shrink)

This book marks a total departure from previous studies of the Boxer War. It evaluates the way the war was perceived and portrayed at the time by the mass media. As such the book offers insights to a wider audience than that of sinologists or Chinese historians. The important distinction made by the author is between image makers and eyewitnesses. Whole categories of powerful image makers, both Chinese and foreign, never saw anything of the Boxer War but were responsible for (...) disseminating images of that war to millions of people in China and throughout the world. (shrink)

Este trabajo se propone discutir el concepto kantiano de Ilustración en un triple aspecto: 1) la noción de saber implícita en el uso del lema sapere aude, referida no al conocimiento , sino a una noción de razón que culmina en la sabiduría (Weisheit.

There are a number of passages in Kant’s political writings in which he appears to deny to citizens any right whatever to resist political authority. Thus, in the essay, “Concerning the Common Saying: This May be True in Theory But Does Not Hold in Practice,” Kant argues that even when such authority is exercised in a way which violates what Kant himself takes to be the fundamental principles of justice, any act of resistance to it is a punishable act.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Philosophy 41.1 (2003) 51-80 [Access article in PDF] Kant's Politics of Enlightenment Ciaran Cronin THE ENDURING RESONANCE OF Kant's brief essay "An Answer to the Question: What is Enlightenment?" (henceforth "WE") can be traced in large part to the connection it makes between two ideas central to the self-understanding of European modernity. The first is the idea of autonomy implicit in its famous definition (...) of enlightenment: "Enlightenment is the human being's emergence from his self-incurred minority.Minority is the inability to make use of one's own understanding without direction from another... Sapere aude! Have courage to make use of your own understanding! is thus the motto of enlightenment." 1 Kant's rallying cry to independence of thought resonates with the view that individual autonomy is a central component of modern self-identity. The second is the defense of freedom in the public use of reason: "For this enlightenment, however, nothing is required but freedom, and indeed the least harmful of anything that could even be called freedom: namely freedom to make public use of one's reason in all matters." 2 With this emphatic endorsement of freedom of expression as a precondition of enlightenment, Kant appears to situate the project of enlightenment squarely in the tradition of liberal political thought. [End Page 51]Yet the interpretation of the essay as a defense of a liberal model of freedom of expression proves to be problematic on a closer reading. Even Kant's famous definition of enlightenment is not without its puzzling aspects. He employs the legal term "minority" (Unmündigkeit, often translated as "immaturity"), the condition of a child or dependent who has not reached the legal age of adulthood, to describe the condition of human beings before they have achieved enlightenment; but as some of his contemporaries remarked, the idea of a minority that is "self-incurred" makes no legal sense. That their puzzlement was not just a matter of injudicious terminology is shown by Kant's apparent indecision over whether the failure of individuals to make independent use of their reason is due to lack of courage on their part 3 or whether it is because they have been prevented from doing so by constraining social authorities. 4 Even more perplexing is Kant's idiosyncratic distinction between the private and public uses of reason: "by the public use of one's own reason I understand that use which someone makes of it as a scholar before the entire public of the world of readers. What I call the private use of reason is that which one may make of it in a certain civil post or office with which he is entrusted." 5 What is perplexing in this is not so much the restriction of the public use of reason to scholars addressing a public of readers as the characterization of the use of one's reason in exercising a civil or public office as "private." Moreover, liberal sensibilities cannot fail to be ruffled by the authoritarian cast of some of Kant's remarks. Most troubling is the observation that only a ruler who "hasa well-disciplined and numerous army ready to guarantee public peace" can tolerate complete freedom of public expression and that a lesser degree of civil freedom (bürgerliche Freiheit) is conducive to the fullest expansion of "a people's freedom of spirit" (or intellectual freedom, Freiheit des Geistes). 6 This would seem to lend ammunition to those who argue that Kant ultimately embraces a conservative politicalposition in contradiction to the radical implications of his own critical philosophy. 7 [End Page 52]But an examination of the historical context of the essay reveals that it is neither a clear expression of a liberal nor of a conservative position as these are conventionally understood, or so I will argue. The perplexing features of the essay become intelligible when it is seen as part of a larger project of reconciling the ideal requirements of a republican constitution with the political reality of Prussian absolutism in response to contemporary debates concerning... (shrink)

En este trabajo analizamos dos defi niciones kantianas de la libertad política que han sido consideradas como defi niciones antagónicas: una de ellas parece aproximar a Kant a la corriente del liberalismo moderno; la otra daría lugar, en cambio, a una interpretación republicana del pensamiento político kantiano. El análisis de ambas definiciones permitirá mostrar que éstas no resultan necesariamente incompatibles. In this paper we shall analyze two Kantian defi nitions of political freedom which have been considered mutually exclusive: one of (...) them would allow us to consider Kant as an exponent of the liberal tradition; the other would lead to a republican interpretation of Kant's political thought. The analysis of both defi nitions will show that they are notnecessarily incompatible. (shrink)

_Interprets Kant's conception of enlightenment within the broader philosophical project of his critique of reason._.

In this updated edition of his outstanding introduction to Kant, Paul Guyer uses Kant’s central conception of autonomy as the key to his thought. Beginning with a helpful overview of Kant’s life and times, Guyer introduces Kant’s metaphysics and epistemology, carefully explaining his arguments about the nature of space, time and experience in his most influential but difficult work, _The Critique of Pure Reason_. He offers an explanation and critique of Kant’s famous theory of transcendental idealism and shows how much (...) of Kant’s philosophy is independent of this controversial doctrine. He then examines Kant’s moral philosophy, his celebrated ‘categorical imperative’ and his theories of duty, freedom of will and political rights. This section of the work has been substantially revised to clarify the relation between Kant’s conceptions of "internal" and "external" freedom. In his treatments of Kant’s aesthetics and teleology, Guyer focuses on their relation to human freedom and happiness. Finally, he considers Kant’s view that the development of human autonomy is the only goal that we can conceive for both natural and human history. Including a chronology, glossary, chapter summaries and up-to-date further reading, _Kant, second edition _is an ideal introduction to this demanding yet pivotal figure in the history of philosophy, and essential reading for all students of philosophy. (shrink)

En este trabajo analizamos dos defi niciones kantianas de la libertad política que han sido consideradas como defi niciones antagónicas: una de ellas parece aproximar a Kant a la corriente del liberalismo moderno; la otra daría lugar, en cambio, a una interpretación republicana del pensamiento político kantiano. El análisis de ambas definiciones permitirá mostrar que éstas no resultan necesariamente incompatibles. In this paper we shall analyze two Kantian defi nitions of political freedom which have been considered mutually exclusive: one of (...) them would allow us to consider Kant as an exponent of the liberal tradition; the other would lead to a republican interpretation of Kant's political thought. The analysis of both defi nitions will show that they are notnecessarily incompatible. (shrink)

Las interpretaciones habituales de la filosofìa política de Kant lo incluye en la galería de héroes del liberalismo. Este artículo sugiere otra interpretation, que abre un cuestionamiento sobre esta inscripción de Kant en la principal tendencia de la filosofía política moderna, la liberal. Los puntos centrales son el sentido de la crítica kantiana al eudemonismo, la relación entre soberanía y propiedad, el carácter extra legal de la resistencia, la división pero no la balanza de poderes.

En este artículo haré referencia a una serie de observaciones realizadas en el marco de la reflexión pedagógica kantiana, con el fin de mostrar el carácter fundamental que la idea (o ideal) de educación ha de asumir en todo proyecto pedagógico. La concepción kantiana de una naturaleza humana perfect..