Strategies for scope taking

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Natural Language Semantics 23 (1):1-19 (2015)
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Abstract

This squib reports the results of two experimental studies, a binary choice and a self-paced reading study, that provide strong support for the hypothesis in Tunstall that the distinct scopal properties of each and every are at least to some extent the consequence of an event-differentiation requirement contributed by each. However, we also show that the emerging picture is more complex than Tunstall suggests: English speakers seem to fall into at least three groups regarding the scopal properties of each and every.

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10.1007/s11050-014-9109-1

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Citations of this work

Covert distributivity in algebraic event semantics.Lucas Champollion - 2016 - Semantics and Pragmatics 9 (15):1-66.

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References found in this work

Nominal reference, temporal constitution and quantification in event semantics.Manfred Krifka - 1989 - In Renate Bartsch, Johan van Benthem & P. van Emde Boas (eds.), Semantics and contextual expression. Providence RI, U.S.A.: Foris Publications. pp. 75--115.
Distributivity and negation: The syntax of each and every.Filippo Beghelli & Tim Stowell - 1997 - In Anna Szabolcsi (ed.), Ways of Scope Taking. Kluwer Academic Publishers. pp. 71--107.

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