This article contributes to an ongoing revival of interest in the intellectual history of the German Vormärz, and to an emerging body of scholarship on the influential political philosopher and Bible scholar Bruno Bauer (1809–1882). While, during much of the twentieth century, Bauer was remembered primarily for his relationship with the Young Marx, more recent scholarship has attempted to examine his work on its own terms, and to consider his unique contributions to the history of republicanism and radicalism in particular. (...) But to date, no one has provided a systematic and synoptic account of his theology during the crucial years of 1838 to 1843. This article aims to fill that gap in the literature. It argues that Bauer’s political thought cannot be understood independently of his theology, his church and religious histories, and his Bible criticism. In doing so, it provides new insights into the significance of theology for the polemical debates of the Vormärz more generally. (shrink)

An education in the Arts and Humanities has always been something more than being prepared to enter a profession. It is not uncommon to hear students say that being exposed to a particular teacher...

For Descartes, our minds are not natural causes because they are not themselves objects; rather, they are the activities that identify objects. In short, they are our challenges to the natural order of things, both in how we adapt to novel situations (as exhibited in what has been called the “rational action test”) and in how we respond in unexpected yet appropriate ways to linguistic cues (in the “language test”). Because these tests reveal ways in which our minds (as “pure,” (...) creative, willful, and immortal substances) introduce novelty into nature, we are not determined (as animals are) by other objects. That is, our rational or linguistic activities are challenges to the order of nature precisely because they are not part of, but rather constitute, nature. Accordingly, “real” (creative) speech is logically prior to finite differentiations and is not limited by laws of nature that constrain animal behavior. (shrink)

Today, thanks to the work of William Dalrymple and Shashi Tharoor, among many others, the East India Company (EIC or the Company) is rightly synonymous in the public mind with avarice. Granted a Ro...

Matt Zwolinksi, Professor of Philosophy at the University of San Diego, and John Tomasi, President of the Heterodox Academy in New York City, have teamed up to write a thorough and thought-provokin...

This is a book of superlatives: the most comprehensive, most detailed, most ambitious, simply the best thing ever written in any language on the Marx–Spinoza connection in the long nineteenth centu...

Kohei Saito, a Japanese Marx researcher and editor of the historical-critical edition of Marx and Engels’s complete works (Marx-Engels-Gesamtausgabe or MEGA), is known to Anglophone readers for his...

In this article I propose the concept of care as an organizing principle of John Stuart Mill’s theory of liberal utilitarianism. While both critics and proponents of Mill’s theory see his commitment to character development as a distinct feature of his utilitarianism, the specific type of character he promotes has received scant attention. Through a close reading of Mill’s Collected Works, with an emphasis on Utilitarianism, I argue that a commitment to caring characters is central to making sense of Mill’s (...) theory of utility and the tensions found between his individualistic commitment to the harm principle and the seemingly illiberal implications of his utilitarianism. I further argue that Mill’s concept of care, rather than being a type of sympathy, shows a close affinity to the concept of care developed in care ethics. I conclude with an observation of how Mill’s commitment to care helps explain his consistent support for Britain’s colonial endeavors, though in a direction different from conventional readings that connect his paternalistic account of human nature with the justification of colonial rule. (shrink)

In a Holocaust memorial speech given in Germany’s parliament the Bundestag, an Auschwitz survivor once said, “antisemitism is a 2,000-year-old virus that refuses to die.” Tilman Tarach’s main argum...

Alex Ryvchin’s The 7 Deadly Myths: Antisemitism from the Time of Christ to Kanye West starts by asking: “Why have the Jews been so despised and so brutalised throughout history?” One possible answe...

When John Winkler died in 1990, he was working on a book that aimed at a wide-ranging reinterpretation of Greek tragedy as a pedagogical exercise aimed primarily at the city’s young men (“ephebes,”...

In recent years, the West has increasingly experienced a sense that the political aspects of its social life have undergone a profound alteration. There is a sense of blockage, of non-responsiveness, a feeling that the political class no longer represents the interests of the broader society. Underlying all of this is a loss of legitimacy. What exactly is legitimacy? How does it function? How is it lost? These are the questions that I address in this article. While I refer to (...) Max Weber’s remarks on legitimacy, my thesis is my own. My claim is that legitimacy involves temporal identity. It depends upon the ability of both individuals and peoples to identify themselves as the same over time. Legitimacy’s breakdown is the breakdown of this identity. (shrink)

This wide ranging and well organised work on the history, evolution, problems, and achievements of the EEC/EU has three editors. Its thirteen academic contributors work in the United Kingdom, the U...

War is father of all, and king of all. He renders some gods, others men;he makes some slaves, others free.—HeraclitusLanguages in the Crossfire is an impressive and well-documented book written by...

In this book Todd Kontje argues that Georg Forster (1754–1794)—a world traveler, interdisciplinary thinker (highly skilled in ethnography, botany, linguistics, and art history), and prolific transl...

Chandran Kukathas has written a thoughtfully provocative book on perhaps the major issue of our time, namely, mass migration versus the world-wide desire for border controls, which, he argues, unju...

Chandran Kukathas has written a thoughtfully provocative book on perhaps the major issue of our time, namely, mass migration versus the world-wide desire for border controls, which, he argues, unju...

One could describe political philosophy from the Enlightenment to the present, or at least until World War II, as largely an exercise in defining true freedom, as well as a call to liberate the mas...

One could describe political philosophy from the Enlightenment to the present, or at least until World War II, as largely an exercise in defining true freedom, as well as a call to liberate the mas...

There have been many interpretations of the French Revolution. For reactionary theorists of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, it was a conspiracy of freethinkers, Protestants, freem...

This year marks the fiftieth anniversary of the death of Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy (1888–1973), and although this edition of The Fruit of Our Lips appeared in 2021, it is a most fitting commemorative...

Isaiah Berlin is a classic name in political theory, but does he have anything to teach us about international relations? In the Cold War he was a realist disciple of the containment doctrine, indeed a more hawkish container than his friend George Kennan, at least until he saw what was happening in Vietnam. In the aftermath of the Cold War, confronted with an outburst of resurgent nationalism, he seemed more like a utopian idealist, dreaming with Herder of a world of (...) cultural harmony. But that dream is undermined by his own value pluralism, which points towards something more rigorous and interesting, a case for liberal internationalism in tension with its realist rival. From a value-pluralist point of view, realism tends towards moral monism, and liberal internationalism is normatively the more balanced view. However, liberals should still take seriously the central realist insight that security is an especially important value in the anarchic international context. (shrink)

Both Nietzsche and La Rochefoucauld rejected metaphysical principles, such as the Kantian moral imperatives, and adopted psychology as their first philosophy. In this article I explore their views of self-love and of the will to power as the first principles of human motivation. Although both thinkers reduce actions to egoistic motives, they define the human drives and passions differently. While Nietzsche criticizes La Rochefoucauld’s view of a self-love-oriented intention as the principal cause of deeds, his interpretation is reductionist seeing that (...) La Rochefoucauld also gives a quasi-expressivist account of deeds based on multiple drives. Unlike La Rochefoucauld, Nietzsche claims that there is no preexisting intention before or behind deeds, but rather that the doer expresses herself in and through her deeds. He laments that La Rochefoucauld’s concept of self-love is overshadowed by Christianity and criticizes him for condemning secular virtues as postlapsarian vices in disguise. Egoism, for Nietzsche, is a drive that is ingrained in the psyche for self-elevation. By comparing and contrasting their views, I conclude that self-love for La Rochefoucauld is pure self-affirmation at the expense of other drives or other agents, while Nietzsche’s notion of the will to power is a master-drive’s organization of other drives in service of the grander project of the self, which at the same time allows the subordinate drives to express themselves and fulfill the functions proper to their own nature. This interpretation sheds light on the key concept of egoism and the will to power in Nietzsche’s moral psychology, as well as on the first principles of human action in Nietzsche and La Rochefoucauld. (shrink)

Political philosophy is a discipline researched and taught in Western universities, typically within political-science departments. Political philosophers examine the intellectual basis of public i...

Alexis de Tocqueville (1805–1859) was convinced that without a new possibility for transcendence, democracies would be ill-prepared to allow for actual freedom. In Democracy in America, his study of the United States, he explained that when self-interest was enlightened, individuals would tend to identify their personal benefits with the well-being of the community. By transcending their individualistic tendency to self-enclose, they would contribute to forming and maintaining a real sovereignty of the people. However, unless the “doctrine of self-interest well understood” (...) was aided by a higher ideal, by itself it would eventually fall short, thus paving the way for new forms of despotism. Religion, and more specifically, reformed versions of Christianity, seemed to effectively elevate the outlook of the early Americans. As I will argue, however, Tocqueville ultimately held that those versions lacked the profundity and stability required to resist the strong materialistic and individualistic tendencies of people living in a democracy. Tocqueville’s apparent, if anxious-ridden, preference for Catholicism as the more adequate civil religion resonates with important aspects of Augustine’s theory of the Two Cities, the earthly and the heavenly city. For both Tocqueville and Augustine, the Roman Church’s stable doctrine was what could more successfully teach mankind the truth about their limited condition, hence making them more capable of learning the “art of being free.”. (shrink)

Stephen Bullivant is a senior lecturer in theology and ethics, and Director of the Benedict XVI Centre for Religion and Society at St. Mary’s University, London. He is the author or co-author of te...

Donald Trump’s election and the subsequent roiling of the U.S. political scene have been an unsettling spectacle and have occurred during an increase in right-wing power around the world.1 Why did...

This is a nicely packaged book for readers with an interest in its subject matter. Written in an informal style, it touches on all the issues that comprise the hurdles and stumbling blocks to the a...

Recent political developments in the West, particularly the emergence of right-wing populist leaders, have led quite a few political theorists to rethink the social and political conditions conduci...

In this innovative work, Gustav Kuhn offers the first coherent attempt to explore the psycho-neurological processes underlying the experience of magic, utilizing scientific precepts to provide intr...

Steven Austad’s “hope is that this book may inspire the deep study of the most promising species from Methuselah’s Zoo, because that … is the key to developing medications leading to longer, health...

Contrary to the received opinion that Pablo Picasso conceived of Guernica only after learning of the bombing of the Basque town on 26 April 1937, and in direct response to it, in this article we demonstrate that the mural was visualized much earlier, as part of Picasso’s larger artistic and intellectual response to war. In February 1937 Picasso met with José Luis Sert, the architect of the Spanish Pavilion planned for the Paris World Fair that was to open in June. (...) That he was so quickly able to provide the architect with the exact dimensions of the mural suggests that he had already conceived a vision and plan for the painting that would only later be known as Guernica—a vision that saw him less preoccupied with iconographical minutiae than with visual problem-solving around a general theme: the types and consequences of political violence in Spain and wars past, present, and future. In searching for inspiration, Picasso paid homage to three other artists whose works reflected different aspects of this theme: Francisco Goya, Robert Capa, and David Seymour. The whole mural was painted in black and white because Picasso was certain that Guernica would be seen as a work of photojournalism, which form of journalism had only recently started to be transmitted by wire and radio services. Lastly, Picasso was confident that his painting would eventually be installed in the Prado Museum and be compared to both of Goya’s paintings, The Second of May 1808 (1814) and The Third of May 1808 (1814). To place himself as pre-eminent, Picasso made Guernica larger than either of Goya’s paintings by subsuming the former into a completely original compositional overlay. (shrink)

In this article, I discuss the role of friendship in ethical development by focusing on the virtue of humility in Matteo Ricci’s (1552–1610) first work written in Chinese, On Friendship (Jiaoyou Lun 交友論). My overarching argument is that, since humility is a disposition or virtue that leads a person to being open to seeking or receiving help and guidance from others, it can facilitate ethical development by taking into account both the equal and unequal ethical status between friends. Moreover, since (...) in non-Chinese scholarship this work has been neglected or misinterpreted if discussed at all, I also attempt to show why On Friendship should be more widely studied and its importance more widely recognized. (shrink)

If ever there existed a category of “forgotten Jews,” like the “forgotten books” series with which we are all familiar, Edmond Fleg (1874–1963) would rank toward the top of that list. To the extent...

The ancient philosophers aimed to turn us away from thinking about particularizing affection to thinking about justifiable human relations. The aim of their protreptic discourses was to get their readers, who were citizens, sons, and fathers, to think about their lives by putting these relations into question. I show how this conversion works and explore its political consequences by reading the accounts of friendship in Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero, and then comparing those accounts with the views on the causes and (...) justifications of human relations of Rousseau, of Christians and post-Christian Kantians, and of the Hebrew Bible and its Rabbinic commentators. (shrink)

This article offers a comparative study of seven German biographies of Karl Marx (1818–1883) that were published between the two world wars. The interpretations of Marx’s theory of historical materialism presented in these biographies fall into three groups or approaches: the orthodox, the neo-Kantian, and the psychological. Some biographies place Marx the revolutionary above Marx the theorist, while others reverse this order. Similarly, some of the biographies explain the relationship between Marx’s life and thought by adopting the “experience–psychology–thought” framework. The (...) orthodox approach emphasizes the objectivity of cognition in the base–superstructure relationship. Yet both the orthodox and the neo-Kantian approach, which stresses Kant’s cognitive critique and the “is–ought” dualism, fail to grasp Marx’s subject–object dialectics, while the psychological approach undermines the theoretical significance of historical materialism. In comparing and assessing these works I argue that the biographers’ historical and scholarly horizons are dictated by their political standpoint and academic perspective and thus determine their choice of approach, which not only indicates if they will lean toward the theoretical or the revolutionary Marx, but also why they fail to adequately deal with the relationship between Marx’s life and his thought. Nevertheless, I conclude that these biographies, despite their various shortcomings, establish the basic paradigm and parameters of any biography of Marx. (shrink)

Written by a noted classicist at a major U.S. university but about a situation having little to do with scholarship on the European classics and involving Greek antiquity only in an ulteriorly moti...

Indians in London is a riveting narrative that investigates the lives and experiences of numerous Indians who visited, stayed, and left their mark in the imperial capital of London from around the...

In his Nobel Prize acceptance speech in 1987, the Russian-born American poet Joseph Brodsky argued that aesthetics is the mother of ethics. However, there is an ambiguity in his use of the term aesthetics. In the first part of this article, I distinguish between Brodsky’s narrow use of aesthetics, which refers to problems of beauty, and the broader sense, which refers to the cognitive function of sensibility and feeling. I then suggest that good sense can be made of the claim (...) about the origins of ethics only if we employ the broader sense of aesthetics. The second part draws on examples from Brodsky and the American poet Jorie Graham to illustrate the ways in which the feelings generated by human sensuous receptivity transform the world from a meaningless physical system into meaningful sets of life-valuable relationships. The third part sharpens this conclusion by considering the conditions under which the world can appear to be meaningless. In the final section I link Brodsky’s poetic responsiveness to the world to John McMurtry’s philosophical analysis of “the felt side of being.” Poetic evocation and philosophical argument are two approaches to the same problem which, when brought together, provide a comprehensive explanation of why aesthetics is the mother of ethics. (shrink)

Self-centredness is arguably a major source of human stupidity and immorality. It is also simply exhausting, as Mark Coeckelbergh notes in Self-Improvement: Technologies of the Soul in the Age of A...

Rainer Maria Rilke points to it in the opening lines of the first Duino elegy (published in 1923) when he writes that “beauty is nothing but / the beginning of terror, that we are still able to bea...

Although there have long been protective arrangements to safeguard diplomats and embassies abroad—notably norms and guarantees codified in multilateral treaties, such as the 1969 UN Convention on S...

One of the most catastrophic human tragedies is represented by the recent civil war in Syria (2011–present), which reduced that country to rubble and led to at least 500,000 people killed, 6.7 mill...

In this eight-chapter book, Bruce Dickson, professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University, tackles some of the big questions in Chinese politics. As the ti...

Timo Miettinen’s recent book aims to re-articulate Edmund Husserl’s whole phenomenological project by reading him as a “universalist cosmopolitan” thinker (123). Drawing on Husserl’s late works, es...

From Pier Paolo Pasolini’s Decameron and Canterbury Tales to Monty Python’s televisual riffs on Arthurian legend in the 1970s and role-playing games like Pendragon or Hidden Kingdom, a fascination...

I never expected to live till I was over 90. Some of my relatives have done so, one of my cousins will have her 100th birthday in October this year (2023), but my mother died when she was 59, and I...

In their inimitable history book, 1066 and All That (“A Memorable History of England, Comprising All the Parts You Can Remember”), first published in 1930, W. C. Sellar and R. J. Yeatman note that...

In their inimitable history book, 1066 and All That (“A Memorable History of England, Comprising All the Parts You Can Remember”), first published in 1930, W. C. Sellar and R. J. Yeatman note that...

A number of books and articles have been published recently that address the contemporary authoritarian threat to liberal democracy.1 All of them, to one degree or another, have illuminated some pa...

Agnes Heller died in 2019 at the age of 90, after a long career as a prolific writer broadly in the tradition of critical theory. She was born and educated in Hungary, witnessing and writing about...

Although Rousseau did not care much about the Americans, the Americans did and still do care a lot about Rousseau. Surprisingly, for someone so eager to offer advice about how to form or reform a c...

The story of The Trial is puzzling. Joseph K. is arrested by three officials from a mysterious court. That is, Joseph K. is informed of his arrest, but he remains free to go wherever he wants. The...

In the entrance hall of our family house in Leamington Spa stands a slender Regency style table of noble wood and fine proportions. It suits the house, which dates from 1828, perfectly. Few visitor...

Daniel worked as a journalist on the local radio. He coped as well as he could with the daily grind of churning out instantly forgettable trivial little stories; what kept him going was the hope to...

Teresa was a much-loved grandmother, mother, wife and a friend to the countless people who got to know her during the forty-five years she lived in Leamington Spa, Warwickshire, and indeed from lon...

Metal music today is bathed in a glow of serenity relative to its function as designated by Soviet authorities only thirty years ago. Mikhail Gorbachev permitted a Monsters of Rock concert to be st...

Larry Bartels is one of the most prominent political scientists in the areas of democracy, electoral politics, and public opinion. He is the May Werthan Shayne Chair of Public Policy and Social Sci...

German Nazism remains almost inextricably linked to German capitalism, German businesses, and many well known German corporations today. Even before the Nazis were put in power by conservatives lik...

The historiographical debate over the Great War continues. It does so because the public’s interest in this first total war of human history does not abate and because there is a plethora of histor...

La Fin du sens de l’histoire deals with the problem of the relationship between temporality and politics, tackled through a critical reading of the works of Eric Voegelin and Karl Löwith, two autho...

Nicola Gennaioli and Andrei Shleifer’s A Crisis of Beliefs is a rich, elaborate and ambitious book. It relies on more than twenty years of the authors’ work on fields as different as financial econ...

I. As a distinct elite group engaged in public life with a particular sense of its own moral authority, intellectuals came into being in late nineteenth-century France, as the turmoil of the Dreyfu...

In this important and timely work, Gary Saul Morson and Morton Schapiro examine the current and growing prevalence of dogmatic, intellectually rigid forms of thought—so-called “Fundamentalisms”—whi...

The “central aim” of this book is “to offer a nuanced and wide-ranging analysis of the complex and manifold ways in which British Romantic writers engaged with Rousseau” (3). To accomplish this, th...

This stimulating, ambitious interdisciplinary study, as its subtitle indicates, links seventeenth-century and modern concerns: a relationship between Milton and modernity is indicated in the titles...

This article argues for a reconceptualization of utopia as akairological rupture. Its central thesis disputes the conventional reading of utopia as a teleological goal to be realized by a social collective. Thus rather than viewing the potentiality of utopia as a prescribed ideal commonwealth whose inhabitants live in harmony, I argue that it should be seen as an akairological rupture, manifested through a determinately negative, individual, approach. In this reading, utopia is primarily a social condition within culture, and perennially opposed (...) to any ideal telos. This temporal and qualitative reconceptualization of utopia as disruptive is anathema to the positive reading that sees it as feasible through social reform and rational discourse. This reconceptualization argues for the importance of developing a reading of utopia that can transcend any reified, fixed conception that seeks to domesticate it in the service of a contingent political aspiration, however noble and humanitarian it may appear to be. Herein lies its critical potentiality under neoliberal conditions. (shrink)

Tim Whitmarsh’s collection of essays has seen the light of day at a time when the academic world is again reconsidering “classicism” and modernity’s relationship to the “classical.” This is even mo...

Annabel Abbs’s father told her that she was “an experiment” in the application of Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s educational doctrines, hence her rough-scrabble pastoral upbringing on the Welsh coast, hom...

The body of research on the social and political implications of Donald Winnicott’s psychoanalytic theory has been growing steadily in recent years. This has long been overdue, considering the preo...

The controversies that characterize the history of the Stalin period are many, multifaceted, and quite complex. In their introduction, James Ryan and Susan Grant illustrate and contextualize that r...

“When a scientist speaks, it behoves us to attend with respectful silence.” This precept could be written over our whole era, beginning with the middle of the nineteenth century. Some readers may r...

This book by Mabogo Percy More, the author of a number of books on African philosophy and anti-black racism, analyzes the views of Black Consciousness activist Steve Biko on race and racism in Sout...

The “Italian invert’s confessions” have long been known to historians of sexuality, yet this new edition lends them an authenticity never before enjoyed. The Prime Mover in the publication is Micha...

This article attempts a reinterpretation of Aeschylus’ Persians as primarily a warning about the instability of democracy following a major military victory against an overpowering totalitarian enemy. It discusses the historical and our contemporary ideas of the democratic principles of government versus the constant tendency towards a strongman regime. I argue that the play’s underlying philosophy is based on the Heraclitan idea of constant flux, which predates our modern ideas of the relativity of time and space, and the core concept (...) underpinning any democracy that the only constant thing about it is continuous change. A short retrospective of modern productions of The Persians reveals the relationship between history and current events that can or cannot be associated with the play. By treating the thorny issue of translations and adaptations and the temptations of simplistic patriotic or antiwar interpretations of the play, the article also addresses the challenging task of determining what constitutes a just war and why a democracy is necessarily engaged in a continuous defensive battle against the forces of totalitarianism. (shrink)

The goals of the present study are to relate the transactional and transformational aspects of modern leadership theory to the history of Medici rule and influence in Renaissance Florentine politics, and, at the same time, to test leadership models against the humanist debates on the accession of the Medici to power. I will focus on the Discorso sopra il fermare lo stato di Firenze nella devozione de’ Medici [Discourse on holding the State of Florence in devotion to the Medici], written (...) in 1516 by Lodovico Alamanni (1488–1526), a prominent Florentine statesman. Alamanni’s Discorso relates to the first restoration of the Medici government and engages with a number of issues that animate Machiavelli’s political theory as well as other memoranda for the Medici contemporaneous with The Prince. I argue that the two categories of leadership—the transactional and the transformational—first proposed by James MacGregor Burns, provide a new way of specifying Alamanni’s intentions and, by comparison, those of contemporary authors, including Machiavelli. I will also demonstrate that Alamanni’s work exemplifies more vividly than other political writings of the Medici period an approach to leadership that is predicated upon the combination of the transactional and transformational paradigms. (shrink)

This article assesses the prospects of social democracy in Turkey in light of two prominent debates regarding social democracy: the challenge of populism and the proper balance between a politics of redistribution and a politics of recognition. By focusing on the Republican People’s Party (CHP), it shows that the main problem the party faces is to find ways of addressing the issues of recognition and redistribution. Success in addressing these issues would provide an effective alternative to the populist agenda of (...) the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and build channels for participatory democracy and institutions of accountability. We argue that social democracy, with its legacy of democratic rule and institutions, can serve as a significant anchoring point in such an effort. We point out, however, why current social, institutional, political, and cultural factors make the CHP’s task of pursuing a social democratic agenda in Turkey particularly difficult. (shrink)

In some ways, the timing of this book is both fortunate and unfortunate at the same time. Considering its emphasis, authoritarian dictators who govern by spin rather than fear, it is of particular...

This paper examines Hannah Arendt’s account of the relationship between politics and morality. Many critics have argued that Arendt’s conception of political action lacks any moral foundations, while others have tried to focus on her understanding of thinking as a normative source of her ethics. In contrast to these views, I present an alternative explanation and argue that the sources of Arendt’s political ethics are located neither in the faculty of thinking nor in extrapolitical moral norms or rules, but in (...) the ontological conditions of action, specifically worldliness, natality and plurality. This interpretation allows us to make sense of Arendt’s fragmented, unsystematic accounts of the various virtues and moral dispositions required for authentic politics: courage, responsibility, care, respect, moderation, solidarity and gratitude. In particular, an inquiry into the ontological sources of political ethics provides a solid normative grounding for the two moral dispositions—promise and forgiveness—that form an explicit “moral code” of political action for Arendt. (shrink)

There has been a significant shift in the way terrorist violence is organized. Advocates of extreme violence no longer organize first in person and through word of mouth and utilize the internet an...

Both books reviewed here argue for the importance of free speech, though apart from that they have little in common. One, The Most Human Right: Why Free Speech is Everything by Eric Heinze is a cas...

Though Robert Musil declared Franz Kafka to be “a special case of the Walser type,” it is Robert Walser who still gets justified as a special case of the Kafka type. Kafka gave his confidante Max B...

“Christ awaketh the church,” my Victorian edition of The Authorized Version glosses the fifth chapter of The Songs of Songs, but what an awakening: “I sleep, but my heart waketh: it is the voice of...

In this article we confront the ineffability of music to seek out a tenable conception of profound depths being plumbed in many such works. We take our initial bearings from the writings of the late Peter Kivy, who was a musically trained thinker and tackled the subject no less than four times. Our main interest lies in his outright dismissal of the idea. However, the scaffolding of his arguments reveals that he privileges the discursive metier without any evidence in his (...) support. Hence the bulk of the article is devoted to an analysis of the criteria relevant to this form of experience and to the construction of a more tenable perspective. It will be shown that the issue of profundity in music cannot be segregated from the implications of our reactions and responses to literature and, by extension, to the arts as a whole. (shrink)

Jeffrey Cox’s new book takes as its guiding thesis the rejection of the widely-held view of Wordsworth (1770-1850) as a poet whose only substantial work was produced from 1798 until about 1808. Thi...

Psyche singing. The subtitle has religious resonances, so do the contents of the book; so does psychoanalysis if it has to go deep (but ours is a time for shallows, surfaces and simulation). Michae...

This short collection of conversations between the renowned American philosopher of art Arthur C. Danto and Italian art critic Demetrio Paparoni will serve as an effective introduction to Danto’s w...

This article offers a novel interpretation of Karl Popper’s influential yet controversial book, The Open Society and Its Enemies (1945). Popper, it argues, sheds light on a pivotal social and political question: How can we value genuine human plurality without succumbing to the illusion that enmity can be removed from the socio-political realm? What we find in Popper, I argue, is an “anti-utopian agonism,” that is, his conception of an open society harbors significant agonistic elements—a commitment to human plurality, an (...) endorsement of (some) social and political struggles, and an acute awareness of the tragic dimensions of political life. Simultaneously, Popper’s distinctive anti-utopianism makes an important contribution to agonistic theory on two fronts. First, his concept of “the strain of civilization” reveals a deeper notion of tragedy, which gives him the edge over the rather shallow notion of tragedy we find in the agonistic tradition. Secondly, he develops a tripartite notion of enmity, which is theoretically interesting and practically relevant. The aim of this article is not only to contribute to the scholarship on Popper and agonism but, first and foremost, to demonstrate how The Open Society still matters as an inspiring work that illuminates the practically relevant question of how to value diversity without illusions. (shrink)

In the years immediately following WWII, between 1946 and 1948, there were four well-known salutatory responses to liberation by ex-captives. First, joyous Jewish survivors in Displaced Person (DP)...

The essays chosen for this anthology were taken from a conference held April 20–21, 2018, in Florence, Italy, at the Dutch University Institute of Art. All concern themselves with what editor Guy H...

Watching Quentin Tarantino films is uncomfortable. They are mostly known for the all-too-real depictions of violence. The poster for his early film, Reservoir Dogs, has the main characters, all gan...

In Liberalism in Dark Times, an important, impressive and well documented book, Joshua Cherniss, associate professor of government at Georgetown University, focuses on an aspect of liberal theory t...

In 1704, Mary Astell, known by many scholars as the “first English feminist,” published Moderation Truly Stated, her contribution to the national debate over “occasional conformity.” This was the practice of periodic participation in the sacraments of the Church of England—above all, taking communion—in order to become eligible for public office. This practice was defended as an exercise of the virtue of “moderation,” viewed as the opposite of zeal and associated with politeness and reasonableness. In this article I recover Astell’s (...) critique on this new notion of moderation, as well as her own alternative conception of the virtue of moderation as scripture moderation, which she envisioned as zeal and indifference towards the right ends. My aim is threefold. First, to explore the dangers of conceiving of moderation as an “antidote to zeal,” which Astell argued would be detrimental to truth, salvation, and moral progress. Second, to demonstrate that her own conception of moderation as zeal and indifference towards the right ends was a radical subversion of the discourse on moderation at the time. Third, to shed light on the role of the Occasional Conformity debate in the transformation of moderation from a Christian virtue of temperance and control into a “modern” virtue construed as politeness and opposed to zeal, which was to become dominant in eighteenth-century England. (shrink)

Extremism has been a constant presence and threat to the stability of the world in the last few decades. We know how destructive extremist organizations and ideologies can be, but when pressed to d...

This article argues that moderation is a difficult, complex, and elusive concept that challenges our political imagination. It has several faces—epistemological, moral, constitutional, political and religious—and forms a rich intellectual tradition that has yet to be explored in all its complexity. Moderation is “the silken string that runs through the pearl-chain of all virtues” (Joseph Hall). As such, it ought to be examined not only as a virtue but also as a social practice, an intellectual sensibility, a way of life, (...) a particular ethos, and a set of concrete institutions. Finally, moderation is best understood in relation with its synonyms (prudence, civility, compromise) and antonyms (extremism, fanaticism, zealotry). (shrink)

Almost two years ago I reviewed The Triumph and Tragedy of the Intellectuals by Harry Redner in these pages; Redner, in turn, around much the same time had reviewed a book by Beibei Guan and myself...

This book should have been called “The Penis Book.” Sure, there are a few clitorises here and there, a few vaginas, but all in all, it’s about penises. Giant penises and tiny penises, singing penis...

Spinoza once remarked in a letter to his friend Hugo Boxel: “To me the authority of Plato, Aristotle, and Socrates is not worth much.”1 The clarity of this statement has not deterred even experienc...

Over the past few years, much has been written about Germany’s Nazis and about ideology, but not too much has been published on Nazi ideology. Norwegian author Carl Müller Frøland has divided his s...

This essay proposes a bifurcation within the concept of moderation in early modern Europe. To draw this out it reconstructs an “encounter” between two citizens of the scholarly Republic of Letters in the years around 1700—Lodovico Antonio Muratori and Jean Le Clerc—and the concept of moderation each maintained. It proposes that the former maintained an ideal of moderation which was “hard” principally about self-regulation, while the latter maintained an ideal of moderation which was “soft” and principally about (religious) toleration. It (...) then attaches this “encounter” to an analogous conflict between uses of moderation in late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century England. It concludes by proposing that this bifurcation, while occurring within scholarly and theological debates, has enduring significance for our interpretation of the Enlightenment, and for the passage of political moderation into the modern world. (shrink)

The concepts of “radicalism” and “extremism” have been the focus of increasing scholarly attention in recent years, but, surprisingly, there has not been the same kind of effort to specify their opposites, such as the concept of “moderation.” In this article I argue that because “radicalism” and “extremism” have been defined in generally negative terms, we may deepen and refine our understanding of moderation once we are equipped with a more neutral conception of radicalism. Accordingly, I propose a new approach (...) to the study of radical ideologies by comparing them to literary genres. Just as literary genres use tropes that constrain our reading of a text, radical ideologies use tropes—as, for example, the Marxists’ use of “reactionary” or “bourgeois”—that refer to a much wider background dichotomy, on which they base their arguments to discredit those of their opponents or to reinforce those of their supporters. Using this approach, I show how the Marxist theorist and leading German politician Eduard Bernstein (1850–1932)—one of the founders of modern Social Democracy—made a step-by-step critique of the Social Democratic Party’s orthodox Marxist tropes and core narrative that thoroughly undermined their arguments. Bernstein, I further suggest, was a particularly good example of a political moderate because he did not altogether reject the claims of his radical Marxist opponents but rather accepted those parts of their reasoning that he considered valid. By thus opening the way for constructing an anti-radical Marxist narrative, Bernstein’s example shows how moderates can “steal a page” from the radicals’ playbook to create alternative narratives whose central opponents are the radicals themselves. I conclude by briefly discussing two contemporary thinkers—Norberto Bobbio and Karl Popper—who went further than Bernstein in the development of a fully fleshed anti-radical narrative. (shrink)

In this article, I explore the relationship between moderation and toleration in early modern England by focusing on William Penn’s 1685 A Perswasive to Moderation. This work, published by Penn in support of James II’s campaign to implement toleration in England by royal decree, explicitly linked moderation and the campaign for liberty of conscience in which Penn had participated for nearly two decades, in both England and America. More broadly, I show how Penn’s Perswasive entered into an ongoing debate over (...) the concept of moderation itself: during the 1680s, a number of authors explored the meanings and limits of moderation, tying it to contested debates in ecclesiastical affairs, civil and religious liberty, and ethical discourse. Yet the aspirations of James II to secure liberty of conscience for the realm’s dissenters failed spectacularly in the Revolution of 1688, and Penn suffered deep public embarrassment (along with significant legal jeopardy) due to his association with that effort. The article closes with some specific reflections on Penn’s Perswasive as well as more general comments on the importance of attending to the practical, historically contingent ways in which moderation discourses unfold. (shrink)

The principle of moderation can be regarded as an ethical principle of virtue or as a principle of government. On the basis of the former, moderation has a personal, ethical sense—not to go towards extremes. The latter model is more generalized and impersonal: moderation as the limitation of power by power. Both conceptions actually meet, though with the latter model more salient, in the work of Montesquieu. This article outlines Montesquieu’s view of moderation emphasizing the extent to which this view (...) cannot be understood apart from his concept of despotism. It shows that Montesquieu’s understanding of moderation entails the balancing and interaction of different powers in a State. As such, his view is more “dynamic” and relational than “substantive.” By exploring the interaction between the models of moderation as virtue and moderation as government in Montesquieu’s work, I then develop the notion of “ruling fear” in considering the continuing relevance of Montesquieu’s perspective for current understandings of moderation and political power. (shrink)

“We can look back on what we have achieved and, without exaggerating, call it a ‘miracle’.” This quote is Angela Merkel’s second famous remark on Israel (the most famous being that Israel’s securit...

This article examines Plato’s understanding of moderation. I begin with a brief discussion of Plato’s Charmides, the dialogue in which Socrates asks, “What is moderation?” in order to frame a detailed treatment of key passages in Plato’s Republic where we find a definitive answer. I show the progress of the Republic to be an intentional development on Plato’s part, moving readers from a conventional understanding of moderation as mastery to a more compelling ideal: moderation as a harmony of the city (...) and of the soul. Bringing moderation out from under the shadow of justice illuminates the dialogue’s otherwise perplexing presentation of the relationship between these two virtues and helps us to see both the role moderation plays in Plato’s thought, and what his vision might contribute to our own understanding of the virtue. (shrink)

This slim volume of eclectic observations on the world of taste opens with an “Aperitif,” serves the five basic tastes in separate dishes, beginning with “Sweet,” followed by “Sour,” “Salty,” “Bitt...

This work represents a linguistic excursion into the “spatial conflict” field—defined here as a “theatre of war” or more precisely “technocratic security model” that intersects with the “lives of i...

This is an unusual book, one that I admit to having had difficulty understanding. Part of my difficulty no doubt stems from the fact that Beyond Heaven and Earth is far outside my disciplinary expe...

Benjamin Buchloh’s two interviews with Gerhard Richter, which bookend this slim volume, are fascinating glimpses into the artist’s interior life, and thus rewarding. Unfortunately, jargon and proli...

It is the Right that has inherited the ambitious modernist urge to destroy and innovate in the name of a universal project. Through the war in Iraq through the unrequited desire to dismantle public...

For many years Sir Roger Scruton’s incendiary pen, his own fine-point flamethrower, provoked outrage in the fields of journalism, literature, and in popular, as well as academic studies. As a philo...