La teoría de la aceleración ha hecho hincapié en los efectos alienantes de la aceleración de la vida social, pero ha prestado menos atención a posibles objetivos emancipadores. ¿Es posible considerar la acción y los conflictos colectivos como un motor de aceleración? Si es así, ¿es una motivación contingente-situada o más bien una condición estructural? La hipótesis principal de este artículo es que los conflictos se consideran un motor de aceleración contingente o estructural dependiendo del punto de partida teórico que (...) se adopte: 1) si los conflictos son una “excepción”, como “anomalía” a resolver en un supuesto curso “normal” de la sociedad (perspectiva funcionalista), no existe una condición estructural de aceleración sobre ellos, sino más bien contextual. A la inversa, 2) si los conflictos se perciben como parte constitutiva de la sociedad moderna-capitalista también pueden entenderse como un motor acelerador que apuntala la vida social con potenciales emancipadores. (shrink)

The text traces the development of the notion of catatonia in the work of Gilles Deleuze across three spheres – the individual, social and literary. The need for an analysis is based on the author’s perception that Deleuze thought on catatonia and slowness has been undervalued in many interpretations ; the recognition, in works of sociologists such as Hartmut Rosa, of the adverse effects of social acceleration. In the individual sphere, catatonia is the effect of a radical withdrawal into anti-production (...) or the body without organs. In the social sphere, catatonia is also linked to anti-production, but since in capitalism most anti-production is included in the sphere of production, catatonia represents a special case of resistance to this tendency. Deleuze shows how these two spheres intertwine in his analyses of Herman Melville’s works, especially Billy Budd and Bartleby; the title characters of these two texts are interpreted as embodiments of the catatonic as a political-revolutionary figure. (shrink)

How to uphold a politics of universalism, egalitarianism and abstraction without being tarnished by the accusation of fanaticism? In order to open the space in which the question can be asked, Alberto Toscano’s Fanaticism explores various instantiations of the trope of ‘fanaticism’ and other associated concepts. Challenging the reliance on simplification, decontextualisation and analogical thinking behind uses of those terms, the book shows how fanaticism as Other conversely engenders a mystified idea of the modern West as the negative of the (...) political and theoretical interdictions associated with them. (shrink)

In this essay, I question the philosophical appropriation of the “street”; much recent critical theory fixes on the “events” of the street as portending ruptural becomings—into being—of the new in the world. I argue that such readings of the “extraordinary” are founded upon a heroic ontologic–epistemology of “abandonment–resurrection” that defines colonial–modern Eurocentric philosophy. Against this preoccupation with the extraordinary, I present a view that reads in the events of the street the ordinariness of the perceived extraordinary and the extraordinariness of (...) the ordinary decoloniality of the everyday as the site of already being otherwise. (shrink)

The always vexed relationships between philosophy, theory, methodology, empirical work and their representations and legitimations have been thrown into chaos with the belated acknowledgement of the Anthropocene. Unsurprisingly, traditional Western thought may have been complicit, given its underlying anthropocentric assumptions and humanist commitments in education philosophy, theory and practice. The postcritical knowledge ecology developed here is applied to both a modest and responsible form of methodological inquiry in an ethnographic study of nature experience. Our contextualised experiment adds to the nascent (...) literature of an environmentally oriented education now demanded in the Anthropocene. (shrink)

The author starts from the thesis that there is no such thing as a "natural" or "apolitical" economy. The economy is always already political, as it is the economy’s material core of power, control, and its main mechanisms, i.e. exploitation and oppression. It is no less so in the era of neoliberalism, a time in which we witness the divorce between capitalism and democracy. In order to lay the foundations of a different economy, one that is not based on wage (...) labor and the exploitation of human life and nature based on their auto-alienation, but rather on action in accordance with their resources, we need – according the author – to rethink the concept of the state in a non-philosophical and post-capitalist fashion, structurally different from the modern bourgeois state. If the structure originating in the bourgeois state, as conceived by modern humanism, is preserved, it will mean that the determination in the last instance is still the same. In order to arrive at a determination in the last instance of a non-exploitative, non-wage-labor-based social order where the determination is affected by the real, we must first arrive at the generic core of the notion of the modern state. As soon as we determine the generic term of "the state," we can radicalize it by letting it be determined by the effects of the real. The generic notion, isolated from the chôra of the transcendental material that is offered by modern philosophies originating in the Enlightenment, should be used as the minimal transcendental description for the determining effect of the real. (shrink)

The ideal of emancipation has been traditionally grounded on the premise that human activity is not restrained by external boundaries. Thus the realisation of values such as autonomy or recognition has been facilitated by economic growth and material expansion. Yet there is mounting evidence that the human impact on natural systems at the planetary level, a novelty captured by the concept of the Anthropocene, endangers the Earth’s habitability. If human development is to be limited for the sake of global sustainability, (...) can emancipation be kept as a mobilising ideal? As opposed to alternative views such as that of degrowth, this article argues that it can. The key lies in the ability of the Anthropocene to produce planetary subjectivities. By recognising the bounded quality of human embeddedness, the possibility of a different emancipation is opened up. The latter does not give up material well-being, yet it makes sure that the latter does not endanger planetary habitability. (shrink)

This dissertation seeks to reactivate the Marxist transition debate, by conceptualising transition as a problem in its own right, moving away from a stagist vision of the development of modes of production. Part I outlines the historical materialist parameters of the ontology of transition, and traces the concept across classical and western Marxism. This section draws from Althusserian theory to sketch out a conception of historical time as a multiplicity of dislocated trajectories. This is followed by a critique of post-Marxism, (...) based on the disappearance of the concept of transition in the discursive turn. It is argued that transition should be retained as a sociologically rigorous concept, and that among various strands of Marxist theory there is evidence of its efficacy. Part II analyses contemporary left theory and politics through the dichotomy of melancholy and utopia, and argues that they exemplify temporal complexity and illuminate current impasses on the left. Part III applies the findings of the preceding parts to strategic questions of demands, agency and strategy. This is achieved through a substantive discussion of postwork theory as a new postcapitalist vision, embodying issues of temporality, transition and utopia. The thesis concludes that the neglected problem of transition and the notion of multiple temporalities are important theoretical tools for addressing questions of historical epistemology and left strategy. Understanding transition as an embedded societal tendency is valuable to critical social theory, and provides the means to theorise postcapitalist futures. (shrink)

Kritiki, ki mislijo, da so neenakost in krize omejene na kapitalizem, so predlagali akceleracionizem: pospešitev sistemu imanentnega procesa in potencialnosti z namenom preseči ga in ne popraviti. Članek se ne osredotoča toliko na kapitalistično težnjo gibanja, kot na estetiko in tehnologijo. Prizadevanj pokazati, da se kapitalizem razvija izključno na temelju tehnološkega napredka, ni mogoče zagovarjati ne teoretično ne empirično. To pokaže tudi delo Billa Warrena. Akceleracionistična politična ekonomija mora pričeti s konfliktom med produkcijskimi silami in produkcijskimi razmerji in ne z (...) ahistoričnim, aditivnim opisom razvojnih faktorjev. Sam si nasprotno prizadevam pokazati, da antideterministični akceleracionizem ostaja možen, če je kapitalistični razvoj razumljen kot politični boj za ustvarjanje vrednosti. (shrink)

Drawing on Adorno and Horkheimer's oft-quoted 1944 essay, “The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception,” Bernard Stiegler’s The Age of Disruption affirms that the Frankfurt School duo scrupulously envisaged a “new kind of barbarism,” or an inversion of modernity’s Enlightenment project illustrated by our contemporary political semblance. Surveying the critical social fissures that index contemporary Western civil society—from 9/11 to the 2002 Nanterre massacre and the 2015 Charlie Hebdo shooting—Stiegler diagnoses that our epoch is plagued by the “absence of epoch,” (...) whereby computational capitalism and algorithmic governmentality have extirpated the “transcendental imagination” underlying vital primordial narcissism. In short, these are symptoms a world increasingly “going mad,” in a thousand ways, possible because we are the bearers of “a negative protention of a becoming without future,” yet “we prefer not to say so: we do not want to know about it.”. (shrink)

Since the advent of media archeology, a deep-seated bifurcation has found one end of the field arguing for the interventionist and appropriative weaponization of media whereas the other side has championed a “total war” with technology itself, insisting that new media’s military-industrial roots inherently color its drivability. Here, I implore a moment within the cultural history of net.art and post-internet art to examine how contemporaneous queries about control after militarism and decentralization, as prognosticated by Paul Virilio and Gilles Deleuze, are (...) part of a more deeply entrenched discourse on neural nets, predictive processing algorithms and machine learning, which the current media theory and post-cinema literature has yet to rigorously respond to. Simultaneously parsing philosophical and media sociology corollaries to ground this overview, I push for more attention towards psychopower, autosurveillance and algorithmic governmentality while distancing critique from the standard Foucauldian discourse of biopower. (shrink)

This paper examines Nick Land’s “numbering practices” for opening up language to modernity’s increasing technological entanglement beyond human comprehension. I begin by examining Land’s attempt to override our linguistic systems with machinic code and binary symbolism in a way which mirrors modernity’s technological future shock. I then consider his appropriation of Cantor’s set theory and Gödel’s incompleteness theorem to plot ever greater degrees of reality’s excess to all anthropic logic. The third section looks at Land’s use of qabbalistic numerology to (...) uncover the absolute contingency of all our most strongly held beliefs, truths and values. The fourth section considers Land’s radicalisation of qabbalism through his own particularly abstract and inhuman notational “gematria.” I conclude by looking at Land’s interest in the computer keyboard’s lock-in to the QWERTY layout for proffering a glimpse of modern technology’s increasingly dehumanising meltdown of our anthropocentric delusions of grandeur. (shrink)