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Political Responsibility: Responding to Predicaments of Power

New York: Cambridge University Press (2016)

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  1. On Freedom and Responsibility in an Extra- Moral Sense: Nietzsche and Non-Sovereign Responsibility.Michael Sardo - 2022 - Nietzsche Studien 51 (1):88-115.
    Interpreting Nietzsche’s writings on agency and responsibility through the lens of non-sovereignty generates interpretive and political-theoretical contributions. More specifically, I advance three arguments. First, Nietzsche’s genealogical critique of moral responsibility denaturalizes modernity’s conception of individual sovereignty and responsibility, by providing a naturalistic account of agency. Agency and responsibility are neither Kantian presuppositions of practical reason nor pieces of folk psychology to be abolished, but are normative, social, and historical achievements, and thus non-sovereign. Second, this implies a theory of responsibility that (...)
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  • ‘A fruit of every clime’? Rousseau’s environmental politics.Rebecca Aili Ploof - 2023 - Contemporary Political Theory 22 (3):307-329.
    An important branch of environmental theory frames the climate crisis as a moral problem in need of a moral solution: human hubris is responsible for environmental degradation and must be atoned for through humility. Politically indeterminate, however, such argumentation is vulnerable to de-politicizing and mal-politicizing capture. In an effort to fend off the threat of either, this paper turns to the history of political thought and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who theorized the environment as both a moral and a political domain. I (...)
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  • From Love to Care: Arendt’s Amor Mundi in the Ethical Turn.Lucien Ferguson - 2022 - Political Theory 50 (6):939-963.
    This article offers a novel account of a key concept in Hannah Arendt’s political thought: amor mundi. In political theory’s ethical turn, theorists have increasingly turned to amor mundi as a source of ethical guidance and inspiration for politics. However, in doing so, they have elided Arendt’s distinct understanding of care. This article recovers Arendt’s understanding of amor mundi as care for the world by reconstructing the central concerns of her dissertation, Der Liebesbegriff bei Augustin, and tracing them to the (...)
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  • Justice beyond repair: Negative Dialectics and the politics of guilt and atonement.Stephen Cucharo - 2022 - Contemporary Political Theory 21 (3):397-418.
    This article draws out a critical, yet under-appreciated political theme in Adorno’s Negative Dialectics, namely his emphasis on guilt and atonement. First, the article assesses how Adorno’s Marxism allows him to think justice and guilt beyond the familiar legalistic frame. Second, the article reconstructs Adorno’s treatment of guilt as a distinctly political capacity to imagine one’s boundedness and indebtedness to others, and the affective engine enabling us to engage in a political ethic distinct from familiar categories of reparation. Third, the (...)
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  • Schmitt’s democratic dialectic: On the limits of democracy as a value.Larry Alan Busk - 2021 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 47 (6):681-701.
    In this essay, I attempt to measure various prevailing democratic theories against an argument that Carl Schmitt advances in the first chapter of his ‘Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy’. In practice, he claims there, democratic politics is compelled to introduce a distinction between ‘the will of the people’ and the behaviour of the empirical people, thus justifying the bracketing and unlimited suspension of the latter in the name of the former, even to the point of dictatorship. I argue that no contemporary (...)
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  • From ‘fugitive democracy’ to ‘fugitive justice’: Cultivating a democratic ethos.Caleb J. Basnett - 2021 - Contemporary Political Theory 20 (1):119-140.
    Sheldon S. Wolin’s ‘fugitive democracy’ is arguably his most provocative contribution to political theory. Breaking with the understanding of democracy as a constitutional form whose origins he locates in the work of Aristotle, Wolin claims democracy is better understood not as a constitution, but as a ‘rebellious moment,’ making democracy dependent on cultural rather than institutional characteristics. This formulation poses a problem for democracy as a political phenomenon, as political power today tends to be concentrated within institutions. Without institutional expression, (...)
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