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  1. The possibility of an exclusionary public reason.Federico G. Abal - 2014 - Ideas Y Valores 63 (156):33-52.
    La concepción deliberativa de la democracia plantea algunas soluciones al desafío del pluralismo razonable. El hecho de que las personas estén divididas razonablemente por creencias omniabarcantes que reconocen como verdaderas y valiosas, establece inconvenientes en relación con la legitimidad de las decisiones políticas, su estabilidad y la justicia de las instituciones democráticas. Los teóricos de la democracia deliberativa resaltan la importancia del razonamiento público entre ciudadanos que se reconocen mutuamente como libres e iguales. Se analiza el componente normativo de este (...)
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  • Neutralizing Perfection.Daniel M. Weinstock - 1999 - Dialogue 38 (1):45-62.
    RÉSUMÉ: Je maintiens dans cet essai que l'argument développé par Thomas Hurka sur la base de son perfectionnisme aristotélicien en faveur d'une forme modérée de perfectionnisme d'État échoue. Je tente de démontrer que son perfectionnisme sousdétermine les types d'activités que l'État aurait à promouvoir afin de réaliser les valeurs perfectionnistes qu'il défend. Je soutiens également que Hurka opère avec une conception caricaturale de la doctrine de la neutralité libérale. Selon lui, l'État libéral serait réduit à l'inaction par cette notion. Je (...)
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  • The Reasonable in Justice as Fairness.Jon Mandle - 1999 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 29 (1):75 - 107.
    The publication of Political Liberalismhas allowed John Rawls to bring to the fore issues that remained in the background of A Theory of Justice. His explicit attention to the concept of ‘the reasonable’ is a welcome development. In a more recent publication, he affirms the importance of this concept, ‘while [granting] that the idea of the reasonable needs a more thorough examination than Political Liberalism offers.’ In this paper, I will present a critical exposition of the senses of the reasonable (...)
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  • Por qué Una Concepción restrictiva de la razón pública Viola la neutralidad estatal.Julio C. Montero - 2009 - Isonomía. Revista de Teoría y Filosofía Del Derecho 30.
    La tesis central de este artículo es que la concepción de la razón pública propuesta por John Rawls, incluso en su versión “inclusiva”, es demasiado restrictiva y viola el principio liberal de legitimidad y la tesis de la neutralidad del estado, que constituyen elementos centrales de la teoría política de Rawls y del liberalismo político en general. Finalmente, se propone una concepción alternativa de la razón pública liberal, centrada únicamente en un deber básico de civilidad, el deber de reciprocidad, a (...)
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  • A Problem Case for Public Reason.Christopher Bennett - 2003 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 6 (3):50-69.
    This essay is concerned with what I shall call the public reason constraint. The public reason constraint expresses the view that in public debate we have some duty of neutrality: the justification...
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  • Toward an Islamic Conception of Democracy: Islam and the Notion of Public Reason.Raja Bahlul - 2003 - Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 12 (1):43-60.
    This paper is a discussion of the ways in which the notion of public reason has come to manifest itself in recent Islamic writings. The discussion is part of an effort to discover a common language in terms of which Islamic and liberal/secular discourses about democracy and public debate can be understood. The difficult question we are left with is whether it is permissible to speak of “public reason” sans phrase, or whether the notion must always be qualified by reference (...)
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  • Das Recht zu reden. Eine sozialethische Theorie über die Präsenz von religiösen Minderheiten im offentlichen Diskurs.C. Jedan - 2006 - Nederlands Theologisch Tijdschrift 60 60:235-253.
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  • Rawls’s inclusivism and the case of ‘religious militants for peace’: A reply to Weithman’s restrictive inclusivism.Valentina Gentile - 2018 - Philosophy and Public Issues - Filosofia E Questioni Pubbliche 8 (1):13-33.
    Across almost a decade, Desmond Tutu, Anglican cleric and chairman of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, supported a model of civil resistance against the apartheid regime based solely on religious argument. Tutu is one of what Appleby (2000) calls the “religious militants for peace”: people of faith who use religious arguments to buttress resistance against unjust regimes and to support vital political change with regard to rights and justice. Yet the employment of religious arguments to justify political action seems (...)
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