This paper shows how we can plausibly extend the guise of the good thesis in a way that avoids intellectualist challenge, allows animals to be included, and is consistent with the possibility of performing action under the cognition of their badness. The paper also presents some independent arguments for the plausibility of this interpretation of the thesis. To this aim, a teleological conception of practical attitudes as well as a cognitivist account of arational desires is offered.

The central philosophical task posed by conventions is to analyze what they are and how they differ from mere regularities of action and cognition. Subsidiary questions include: How do conventions arise? How are they sustained? How do we select between alternative conventions? Why should one conform to convention? What social good, if any, do conventions serve? How does convention relate to such notions as rule, norm, custom, practice, institution, and social contract? Apart from its intrinsic interest, convention is important because (...) philosophers frequently invoke it when discussing other topics. A favorite philosophical gambit is to argue that, perhaps despite appearances to the contrary, some phenomenon ultimately results from convention. Notable candidates include: property, government, justice, law, morality, linguistic meaning, necessity, ontology, mathematics, and logic. (shrink)

In this thesis, I argue that David Hume’s political philosophy is centrally focused on the prospect of social reform. The conception of justice and politics he develops out of his theories of virtue and moral psychology stresses the pervasive effects of institutions on individuals’ abilities to live decent lives and provides criteria for determining the relative success of such institutions. While Hume’s political philosophy has been interpreted as justifying a society’s status quo, I demonstrate that the principles of merit, need, (...) and equality—commonly considered core principles of social justice—each play a vital role in his view of what constitutes a healthy, stable society. In particular, I contend that Hume’s emphasis on institutions guaranteeing equal protection of basic rights, the role of the common good in the moral justification of political institutions, and the material and social circumstances of equality that make the institution of justice possible, suggest that social reform is a central concern of his theory of justice and politics. (shrink)

Hume seems to contend that you can’t get an ought from an is. Searle professed to prove otherwise, deriving a conclusion about obligations from a premise about promises. Since (as Schurz and I have shown) you can’t derive a substantive ought from an is by logic alone, Searle is best construed as claiming that there are analytic bridge principles linking premises about promises to conclusions about obligations. But we can no more derive a moral obligation to pay up from the (...) fact that a promise has been made than we can derive a duty to fight a duel from the fact that a challenge has been issued – just conclusions about what we ought to do according to the rules of the relevant games. Hume suggests bridge principles that would take us from the rules of the games to conclusions about duties, but these principles are false. My argument features an obstreperous earl, an anarchist philosopher and a dueling Prime Minister. (shrink)

El artículo realiza una comparación entre Hume y Ortega como autores de historias de la nación. A ello se añade una aproximación entre los dos autores en la medida en que los dos desarrollan teorías de la creencia o convención que constituyen de manera importante la llave metodológica en su visión de la historia. Hume llega a la noción de convención muy tempranamente en el Tratado sobre la Naturaleza Humana, mientras que en el caso de Ortega la aparición de la (...) teoría de la creencia es posterior a la contraposición entre minorías y masa y su muy influyente España Invertebrada. Las diversas crisis de los años '30 le llevan a los conceptos de creencia, de uso e incluso de legitimidad de un orden social. Por ello se puede entender que en Ortega habría una inflexión en su pensamiento por el que, aun defendiendo la unidad europea, entiende que solo desde un concepto de razón narrativa y aceptando las limitaciones de la misma puede situarse el individuo en su momento. Para Hume la Historia de Inglaterra constituye una oportunidad de aplicar conceptos ya trabajados en la primera obra. Es, sin embargo, importante que en la Historia de Inglaterra va a valorar, antes que la propiedad, como en el Tratado, el deber de obediencia. (shrink)