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  1. Just and Unjust Postwar Reconstruction: How Much External Interference Can Be Justified?Stefano Recchia - 2009 - Ethics and International Affairs 23 (2):165-187.
    This article seeks to reconcile a fundamental normative tension that underlies most international reconstruction efforts in war-torn societies: on the one hand, substantial outside interference in the domestic affairs of such societies may seem desirable to secure political stability, set up inclusive governance structures, and protect basic human rights; on the other hand, such interference is inherently paternalistic—and thus problematic—since it limits the policy options and broader freedom of maneuver of domestic political actors. I argue that for paternalistic interference in (...)
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  • Power Transitions, Global Justice, and the Virtues of Pluralism.Andrew Hurrell - 2013 - Ethics and International Affairs 27 (2):189-205.
    Broad comparisons of international relations across time—of the prospects for peace and of the possibilities for a new ethics for a connected world—typically focus on two dimensions: economic globalization and integration on the one hand, and the character of major interstate relations on the other. One of the most striking features of the pre-1914 world was precisely the coincidence of intensified globalization with a dramatic deterioration in major power relations, the downfall of concert-style approaches to international order, and the descent (...)
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  • Global Public Reason, Diversity, and Consent.Samuel Director - 2019 - Philosophical Papers 48 (1):31-57.
    In this paper, I examine global public reason as a method of justifying a global state. Ultimately, I conclude that global public reason fails to justify a global state. This is the case, because global public reason faces an unwinnable dilemma. The global public reason theorist must endorse either a hypothetical theory of consent or an actual theory of consent; if she endorses a theory of hypothetical consent, then she fails to justify her principles; and if she endorses a theory (...)
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  • Rawls, law-making and liberal democratic toleration: from Theory to Political Liberalism to The Law of Peoples.David A. Reidy - 2020 - Jurisprudence 12 (1):17-46.
    In this essay I situate Rawls’s conception of liberal democratic toleration within the account of political and law-making activity undertaken by free equals that he develops across his three main...
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  • Global justice in the shadow of security threats.Yuchun Kuo - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (7):884-905.
    Do a threatened state’s obligations of assistance extend to the enemy’s needy people and the needy people in non-hostile countries equally? This paper examines five arguments defending the political boundary between hostile and non-hostile countries. The aid workers, defence capacity, and pre-emptive self-defence arguments highlight the unreasonable burdens for a threatened state to protect its own citizens, as a result of its assistance to the enemy’s needy people, while the limited and comprehensive negative duties arguments underscore a threatened state’s involvement (...)
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  • Probing the limits of rawls’s realistic utopia.Annette Förster - 2016 - Social Philosophy and Policy 33 (1-2):334-353.
    :InThe Law of Peoples, John Rawls introduces a framework for realistic utopia, within which the limits of practicable political possibility are probed through the further development of his international theory. This essay addresses the apparent paradox of realistic utopianism within the context of, and in relation to, ideal theory, in an attempt to explore the scope and limits of Rawls’s theory. The ideas behind Rawls’s realistic utopia are discussed in detail, the concept is contrasted with ideal theory in order to (...)
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  • Dehumanising the dehumanisers: reversal in human rights discourse.Robert Fine - 2010 - Journal of Global Ethics 6 (2):179-190.
    If the legitimacy of international humanitarian and human rights law lies, in part at least, in its capacity to confront dehumanising actions in the modern world, we may speak of the limits of this achievement. It is well known that people who commit genocide or crimes against humanity typically dehumanise those against whom their crimes are committed and that the humanitarian and human rights dimensions of international law were developed in response to the radicalisation of this phenomenon. The expanded scope (...)
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  • Classifying states: instrumental rhetoric or a compelling normative theory?Mathew Coakley & Pietro Maffettone - 2017 - Ethics and Global Politics 10 (1):58-76.