Ciceros De officiis, geschrieben 44 v. Chr., gehört zu den anerkannten Klassikern der Philosophie, ist aber in seinen philosophischen Dimensionen und Gehalten bisher nicht hinreichend für ein breiter interessiertes Fachpublikum im deutschsprachigen Raum erschlossen. Die Schrift behandelt zentrale Themen der antiken Moralphilosophie und ist eine der wichtigsten Quellen zur stoischen Ethik. Die Konzepte des Tugendhaften (honestum) und des Nützlichen (utile) werden sowohl begrifflich als auch kasuistisch untersucht und ihr Verhältnis genauer bestimmt. So entwickelt Cicero eine differenzierte Pflichtenethik, die im Rahmen (...) der berühmten Vier-Personen-Lehre auch ein Schlaglicht auf die philosophischen Wurzeln des Konzepts der Menschenwürde wirft. Das Werk ist eine Gelenkstelle in der Geschichte der Ethik und hat nicht zuletzt die Entwicklung der neuzeitlichen Deontologie (etwa bei Ch. Garve und I. Kant) entscheidend beeinflusst. Im Rahmen dieses Bandes erfährt De officiis zum ersten Mal eine philosophisch orientierte kooperative Kommentierung aus der Feder renommierter Fachleute, die das Werk sowohl für Studierende und Dozierende in Philosophie sowie Klassischer Philologie als auch für interessierte Laien zugänglich macht. (shrink)

Ідеї пізнього, а особливо раннього періодів творчості Ролза рідко стають предметом серйозної уваги. На думку автора, ця ситуація усталює стереотипні й однобічні тлумачення. Натомість предметна увага до Ролзових ідей раннього і пізнього етапів дає підстави істотно збагатити поле інтерпретацій в сучасній політичній філософії. Мета цієї статті потрійна: довести, що критика Мартою Нусбаум пізніх ідей Ролза, запропонована в межах підходу спроможностей, не є вичерпною; що ця критика постане більш плідною, якщо спиратиметься на деякі ранні ідеї самого Ролза, які той згодом використовувати (...) перестав; що таке поєднання критичних арґументів створює нову версію політичного лібералізму, послідовнішу за версії як пізнього Ролза, так і Нусбаум. Цю версію автор пропонує називати «експансивним політичним лібералізмом». Важливим компонентами ЕПЛ є ідея Генрі Ричардсона про взаємодоповнюваність «благого» та «правильного», арґумент пайдеї, а також інтерпретації підходу спроможностей в рамках «розумних всеохопних доктрин». Спираючись на ці компоненти, автор описує механізм впливу на «фонову культуру», з якої потім наро- джується «публічний розум», що буде визначати «політичну концепцію» Ролза. Таким чином, у рамках ЕПЛ «політична концепція» може розширюватися. Через взаємодоповнюваність «благого» та «правильного» вона набуває здатності краще реаґувати на політичні виклики, зберігаючи водночас непорушність фундаментальних політичних принципів суспільства. (shrink)

Авторка статті зосереджується на проблемі рецепції філософії Вітґенштайна у Франції, що була досить пізньою й призвела до різноманітних та іноді протилежних інтерпретацій його думки навіть у середовищі французьких аналітичних філософів. Застосовуючи соціологічний підхід до проблеми рецепції, авторка виокремлює чинники, які перешкоджали проникненню ідей аналітичної філософії у Францію, поміж яких – потужна інституціоналізація філософії у Франції з притаманними їй традиціоналізмом і консерватизмом, яскраво виражений національний характер французької філософії, а також відверто полемічний характер французької аналітичної філософії, перетворення вибору цієї традиції філософування на (...) етичний та політичний вибір. Ці фактори висвітлено на прикладі аналізу конфліктних інтерпретацій Вітґенштайна Жаком Бувресом і Сандрою Ложʼє: якщо перший створює образ Вітґенштайна як анти-Гусерля, дорікаючи австрійському філософу ігноруванням повсякденного мовлення, то друга пропонує феноменологічне прочитання думки Вітґенштайна засобами філософії повсякденного мовлення. У статті показано, як протилежні інтерпретації філософії Вітґенштайна відтворюють внутрішні конфлікти французького філософського поля. (shrink)

Promising new solutions or risking unprecedented harms, science and its technological affordances are increasingly portrayed as matters of global concern, requiring in-kind responses. In a wide range of recent discourses and global initiatives, from the International Summits on Human Gene Editing to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, experts and policymakers routinely invoke cosmopolitan aims. The common rhetoric of a shared human future or of one humanity, however, does not always correspond to practice. Global inequality and a lack of accountability (...) within most institutional contexts of international governance render these cosmopolitan proclamations of ‘one human community’ incoherent and even harmful. More generally, there exists no shared normative standard for the cosmopolitan governance of science, with which such global initiatives could be evaluated. Taking a broadly philosophical perspective, the present paper aims to better understand this problem situation, identifying three high-level challenges global governance of technoscience: problematic ideals of technology and science, the unjust formation of “global” concerns, and the limitations of cosmopolitan theory. By holistically engaging these jointly empirical and normative sites of inquiry, scholars can better support humanity’s re-imagination of technoscientific practices within and beyond the nation-state. (shrink)

Buying local is a prominent form of ethical consumption. We commonly assume that products that are local are in some respect ethically superior to ones that are not. This article contributes to research on local food by scrutinizing this assumption in light of some central values of the locavore movement. It identifies four central ethical causes from prior literature on locavorism: protecting the environment, promoting community, promoting small business, and contributing to the prosperity of one’s local economy. It then analyzes (...) whether the contribution of buying local to these causes can justify the general perception that buying local is a good way to be an ethical consumer. Its main finding is that these justifications fail to provide a strong positive ethical reason for consumers in general to adopt the practice of buying local. (shrink)

The ‘black box’ in Stoic axiology refers to the mysterious connection between the input of Stoic deliberation (reasons generated by the value of indifferents) and the output (appropriate actions). In this paper, I peer into the black box by drawing an analogy between Stoic and Kantian axiology. The value and disvalue of indifferents is intrinsic, but conditional. An extrinsic condition on the value of a token indifferent is that one's selection of that indifferent is sanctioned by context-relative ethical principles. The (...) value of an indifferent that does not meet this condition is normatively silenced, such that it fails to constitute a reason for action. (shrink)

1. Birth within a particular state is a major determinant of a person’s life course: their life expectancy, health possibilities, income, level of education, employment opportunities, and the safet...

This article explores the ethics of world heritage (WH) through a cosmopolitan lens. It proposes that cosmopolitanism provides fertile ground for the study of WH, in particular if combined with sensitivity to distinct indigenous ethical and political claims. Underpinning my article is the question of whether the politics of WH, despite its peaceful and universalist intensions, obscures local disputes and subaltern voices. The empirical emphasis is placed on the WH site of Laponia in the North of Sweden – a location (...) of Sami indigenous communities and commercial mining interests. I provide a narrative analysis of the inconsistencies between the Swedish ‘good state’ narrative defined by support for human and indigenous rights globally and the protection ambition of WH and its generally favourable attitude towards mining, despite its potentially damaging effects on the WH site of Laponia and the cultural heritage and land rights of Sami people living there. My study also provides an analysis of Sami narratives on Laponia – storylines that are rarely included in the Swedish ‘good state’ narrative. The study seeks to contribute to scholarly understandings of indigenous peoples’ ability to lay claims to the cosmopolitan protection logic that prevails in WH. (shrink)

Marxism as a normative position is critical of liberalism. However, the problems of justice and alienation that Marxism draws attention to can be solved by liberalism without the implementation of a Marxist political project. The purpose of the article is to substantiate the thesis that Martha Nussbaum's capabilities approach (one of the versions of political liberalism) is a more inclusive and rational method of theorizing about the basic principles of justice than Marxism. By analyzing Elizabeth Anderson's theory of liberal egalitarianism (...) "democratic equality", I show that some of Marxist approaches that (1) do not deny the existence of justice and (2) are concerned with the problem of alienation, can apply the arsenal of the moral theory of political liberalism to solve these problems. I also criticize Rawls's and Nussbaum's theories of political liberalism for their procedural vagueness and non-inclusive theory of justice. I present an outline of my position, which I propose to call «extended political liberalism» (hereafter EPL). EPL is currently represented by two arguments: 1) the paideia argument and 2) the argument of the interdependence of the good and the right. The first allows talking about the actual implementation of basic rights and freedoms only when citizens are aware of them and have the opportunity to change their views regarding the personal conception of the good. This is impossible without qualitative basic education. Also, one of the central concepts of EPL is presented within the framework of Paideia's argument - the interpretation of the political conception of justice. Because of this concept, it makes sense to talk about the possibility of citizens' reflection on the reconciliation of the current political conception with the personal conception of the good. This can also be done through the analysis of other conceptions of the good. The second argument is a continuation of the first, appearing as a theoretical mechanism that allows supplementing the existing political conception in case of serious social changes. In conclusion, if we take into account the advantages of the capabilities approach and my criticism of its weaknesses, then a theoretical position will emerge that is quite acceptable to some representatives of Marxism. Moreover, the latter will not have to give up their basic beliefs. The peculiarity of my concept presented in this text is that it is not so much a critique of Marxism as an analysis of the basic normative judgments of political liberalism, with which some Marxists can agree. With this article, I also want to illustrate the strengths of such a concept and point to its prospects for further attempts to interpret the political conception by other normative positions. (shrink)

Tourism is a complex phenomenon in scale and scope. Interrelated with other systems from the local to the global, its impacts and effects transcend borders, making coordination and regulation highly challenging. Global mobilities and neoliberal globalization further complicate enabling just and sustainable tourism. New forms of governance are needed to address global threats like climate change and pandemics. This paper explores Immanuel Kant’s transcendental perspective on “perpetual peace” and traces his evolving cosmopolitanism over a decade of essays. We then turn (...) towards what appears to be a contradictory, immanent posthumanist approach from Gilles Deleuze. Radicalizing Kant using Deleuze leads to a different concept of ‘normativity’, grounded in an ideal of perpetual self-critique and self-creation. Such a critical, affirmative ethic opens possibilities for situated approaches to cosmopolitan rights and global justice, rather than global regulatory structures to coordinate effective and proactive actions. (shrink)

Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.

In the past decade, identification with all humanity has been found to predict several positive behavioral outcomes like volunteering, a willingness to contribute to humanitarian relief, and cooperative health behavior during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, to this day, little is known about how individual differences in IWAH emerge. Therefore, the present study aimed to explore whether there is a relationship between individuals’ upbringing and their IWAH. For this purpose, data on IWAH, remembered parenting behavior, and remembered parental attachment assessed by (...) 3056 individuals were analyzed. Structural equation models were used to analyze the correlations between RPB, attachment, and IWAH and to test whether single facets of RPB and attachment could significantly predict IWAH when controlling for the other facets in a latent regression analysis. The facets of positive RPB correlated significantly positively with the two facets of IWAH and explained between 4.1 and 7% of their variance. Surprisingly, in the English sample, two facets of negative RPB also correlated significantly positively with IWAH. The explained variance in IWAH being significant but small, it is argued that parents’ attitudes or behavior specifically related to IWAH could have a greater impact on IWAH than more unspecific parenting behavior. For instance, we discovered that the extent to which participants perceived their parents as global citizens explained about one third of the variance in their own identification as global citizens. Fostering IWAH could constitute an effective approach to tackle important global challenges. Therefore, more research is needed to test the generalizability of the results and to further analyze the roots of people’s IWAH. (shrink)

While we are familiar with socialist and fascist aesthetics, liberalism is not usually thought to permit a political role for literature. Nussbaum has attempted to fill this lacuna. She sketches a “liberal aesthetics” by linking three aspects of literature to her normative proposal. The representation of suffering is connected to the capability approach; the presentation of ethical dilemmas to political liberalism; and the reaction of pity to legal and political judgment. Literature is thus hoped to contribute to the stability of (...) liberal democracies. For over 25 years, individual works by Nussbaum on the value of literature have been critiqued on aesthetic grounds: for not dealing with form, for denying the polyphony of texts, for having a limited conception of readerly identification, and for using an elitist and generically limited selection of material. As of yet, no criticisms have, however, considered the full oeuvre of Nussbaum’s defense of literature, and none have examined this aspect of her work in light of her political philosophy. By placing the aesthetic and political aspects of Nussbaum’s work in conversation, this article investigates the proposed relationship between literature and liberalism. It argues that each component of Nussbaum’s liberal aesthetics contains a political danger: foreclosing discussion of intergenerational responsibility; obscuring questions about which doctrines are permissible in the public sphere; and encouraging stereotypes of marginalized people. Literature, understood like this, may risk exacerbating present tensions within liberalism, rather than bolstering its stability. (shrink)

This article articulates a theory of multiculturalism grounded in dignity. But dignity claims are often unreasonable, inegalitarian, or harmful. To remedy this problem, this article proposes to tame dignity by subjecting dignity claims to three conditions of reasonability: genuine identification; equal realisation; cultural establishment.

El escrito, adentrándose en la teoría allagmática de Gilbert Simondon, tiene como objetivo provocarle al concepto de cosmopolitismo variantes ontológicas, epistemológicas y éticas. Se piensa, dichas variantes, al romper con los primados sustancialitas que sitúan el principio de individuación como algo consumado, idean un horizonte de sentido que se muestra capaz de expresar al cosmopolitismo, no como un ideal regulativo, sino como un proceso. De este modo, pensar al cosmopolitismo como un proceso, reclama asumir los movimientos ontológicos, epistemológicos y éticos, (...) no como abstracciones, sino como devenires-límite que reclaman examinar cómo es que nos creamos. Por lo anterior, en el escrito se afirma junto a Simondon: el cosmopolitismo pensado a la luz de la allagmática involucra la producción de movimientos capaces de afirmar disímiles modos de existencia. El cosmopolitismo es un proceso siempre por hacer y por afirmar en el que nos jugamos la posibilidad de expresar una vida digna. (shrink)

Social media companies commonly design their platforms in a way that renders them addictive. Some governments have declared internet addiction a major public health concern, and the World Health Organization has characterized excessive internet use as a growing problem. Our article shows why scholars, policy makers, and the managers of social media companies should treat social media addiction as a serious moral problem. While the benefits of social media are not negligible, we argue that social media addiction raises unique ethical (...) concerns not raised by other, more familiar addictive products, such as alcohol and cigarettes. In particular, we argue that addicting users to social media is impermissible because it unjustifiably harms users in a way that is both demeaning and objectionably exploitative. Importantly, the attention-economy business model of social media companies strongly incentivizes them to perpetrate this wrongdoing. (shrink)

Review of Chiappero-Martinetti, E., Osmani, S., & Qizilbash, M. (Eds.). (2020). The Cambridge Handbook of the Capability Approach. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

The word ‘cosmopolitan’, which derives from the Greek word kosmopolitês (‘citizen of the world’), has been used to describe a wide variety of important views in moral and socio political philosophy. The nebulous core shared by all cosmopolitan views is the idea that all human beings, regardless of their political affiliation, do (or at least can) belong to a single community, and that this community should be cultivated. Different versions of cosmopolitanism envision this community in different ways, some focusing on (...) political institutions, others on moral norms or relationships, and still others focusing on shared markets or forms of cultural expression. The philosophical interest in cosmopolitanism lies in its challenge to commonly recognized attachments to fellow citizens, the local state, parochially shared cultures, and the like. (shrink)