La teoría republicana moderna de la concepción revolucionaria de la soberanía popular tuvo un eslabón fundamental en la filosofía política de John Locke, quien elaboró un argumento en favor de la libertad natural y de la autonomía de juicio de los individuos, y en contra de la sujeción natural y la alienación de la libertad política. Concibe la autoridad política como un poder político fiduciario instituido para el fin del bien público. Cuando los gobernantes actúan para fines distintos de los (...) encomendados, arbitrariamente o por su interés propio, la confianza se pierde y el ejercicio del poder político regresa a las manos del pueblo libre. Modern republican theory of the revolutionary conception of popular sovereignty had a fundamental link in the political philosophy of John Locke, who elaborated an argument in favour of the natural freedom and autonomy of judgment of individuals, and against the natural subjection and alienation of political freedom. He conceives of political authority as a fiduciary political power instituted for the end of public good. When the trustees act for ends other than those entrusted, arbitrarily or for his own interest, trust is forfeited and the exercise of political power returns to the hands of the free people. (shrink)

La obra de Marx presenta una base normativa congruente con un núcleo de presupuestos procedentes de la tradición iusnaturalista. Esta tradición de origen medieval partió de una revisión de la codificación tardía del derecho romano. La evolución conceptual de derechos naturales subjetivos culminó, en su forma más radical, con el impulso de la movilización popular democrático-fraternal de la Revolución francesa. Para Marx la defensa de los derechos naturales no se correspondía con las condiciones objetivas. Adecuó una tarea teórico-práctica para sintetizar (...) este núcleo normativo en la comprensión de las transformaciones económicas en curso así como en el programa político socialista. (shrink)

Republicanism is increasingly attracting more attention from political philosophy. However, a mere hermeneutical approach it is usually used, which tends to neglect the political, social and economic circumstances that shaped this tradition of thought. This article addresses the modern conception of republican freedom with the North American and the French case through the work of two of their most representative figures, Thomas Jefferson and Maximilien Robespierre. The article defends that the political, juridical and economic government – the republican political economy– (...) devised by both, keeps important similarities that the current political philosophy cannot ignore. To illustrate this relationship, it is shown that both thinkers received a deep and similar influence of natural law philosophy and of fiduciary theory when thinking and trying to implement their models of government and their idea of ownership. (shrink)

En este artículo propongo una justificación de la democracia, y de la autoridad política derivada de ella, a partir del ideal republicano de libertad como no-dominación. Argumento que los procedimientos democráticos tienen valor por sí mismos porque son mecanismos de decisión donde hay libertad de forma recíproca. Después muestro que la autoridad debe ser adecuadamente controlada para evitar que exista dominación, razón por la cual tiene que concebirse como una relación fiduciaria, en la que los gobernantes actúan como agentes de (...) la ciudadanía. Finalmente, establezco la necesidad de que los gobernantes cumplan con deberes fiduciarios y que los ciudadanos desarrollen virtudes cívicas. In this article I propose a justification of democracy, and of the political authority derived from it, based on the republican ideal of freedom as non-domination. I argue that democratic procedures have value in themselves because they are decision-making mechanisms where there is freedom on a reciprocal basis. I then show that political authority must be adequately controlled in order to avoid the existence of domination. This is why it must be conceived as a fiduciary relationship, in which the rulers act as agents of the citizenry. Finally, I establish the need for rulers to comply with fiduciary duties and for citizens to develop civic virtues. (shrink)

Una perspectiva reciente sobre los fundamentos normativos del derecho público ha propuesto concebir las relaciones entre ciudadanía y Estado como una “relación fiduciaria”, usando deberes fiduciarios del ámbito iusprivado para justificar limitaciones jurídicas y morales al poder del Estado. La gobernanza fiduciaria también ha sido señalada como una característica distintiva del republicanismo y la soberanía popular, ya que sitúa a la comunidad política como fideicomitente y beneficiaria de cualquier acto administrativo. En este artículo se revisan algunas concepciones protomodernas del gobierno (...) considerando sus justificaciones explícitamente fiduciarias. Concluye con una interpretación fiduciaria del iusnaturalismo Leveller, especialmente necesario para entender la relación de la gobernanza fiduciaria con la democracia. A recent perspective on the normative foundations of public law has proposed to conceive citizen-state relationships as a “fiduciary relationship”, using private-law fiduciary duties to justify legal and moral constrains on state power. Fiduciary governance has also been pointed as a distinct feature of republicanism and popular sovereignty, since it places the political community as trustor and beneficiary of any administrative act. This paper reviews some early modern conceptions of government considering their explicit fiduciary justifications. It concludes with a fiduciary account of Leveller natural law, especially needed to understand the relationship between fiduciary governance and democracy. (shrink)

En la protección de los bienes comunes en Estados Unidos desde el siglo xix hasta la actualidad, la doctrinal del public trust ha jugado un papel determinante. Esta doctrina, heredera de la tradición jurídica romana, basa su estructura conceptual en una relación fideicomisaria entre agente y principal y fue inicialmente invocada para la salvaguarda de los bienes comunes de su cercamiento y privatización. Con el paso de los años, se ha transformado en un instrumento jurídico clave para la protección ambiental. (...) En este artículo doy cuenta de su evolución y aplicación actual. (shrink)

Este artículo analiza en cuatro tiempos el potencial del acceso incondicional a recursos en la conformación de relaciones productivas libres. En primer lugar, defiende una noción de democracia que exige la presencia de recursos incondicionalmente predistribuidos. En segundo lugar, explora el vínculo entre predistribución y poder de negociación. En tercer lugar, presenta el derecho a la existencia como condición para una cooperación social efectiva que merezca la pena ser cuidada. En cuarto lugar, discute el papel de la renta básica en (...) procesos de nacionalización de la vida económica entendidos como expresión de la voluntad democrática de la ciudadanía. This article analyses in four stages the potential of unconditional access to resources in the conformation of free productive relations. Firstly, it defends a notion of democracy requiring the presence of unconditionally predistributed resources. Secondly, it explores the link between predistribution and bargaining power. Thirdly, it presents the right to existence as a condition for an effective social cooperation worth taking care of. Fourthly, it discusses the role of basic income in processes of nationalisation of economic life understood as the expression of the democratic will of citizenry. (shrink)

The definitive establishment of public-private governance has forced to abandon the theories of political autonomy that were valid until a few decades ago. In return, there has been a boom in the autonomy of the right conceived as a recovery of the natural law inherent to Human Rights. This article rescues from oblivion the two main criticisms made in the second half of the twentieth century to Human Rights: that of the conservative jurist Ernst Forsthoff and that of the Marxist (...) philosopher Antonio Negri. Although these thinkers are completely antagonistic from the point of view of their political projects, both agree that, in the current technical societies where collaborative work prevails, the liberal conception of right is no longer able to function as a guarantor of the freedoms and empowerment of citizens: it has lost all capacity for control and organization of material production relationships. (shrink)

Este trabajo fue pensado a modo de homenaje a Antoni Domènech, quien nos legó un Programa de Investigación sobre “las raíces históricas y conceptuales del republicanismo democrático clásico”, también valedero para el momento actual del modo de producir capitalista en el que nos encontramos al inicio de la tercera década del siglo XXI. Nos ocuparemos i) de fundamentar y mostrar la viabilidad de una Renta Básica, entendida como resguardo de un mínimum de existencia social para todos, que permitiría garantizar una (...) universalización de la libertad republicana; y también ii) abordaremos el tema de la justificación de una Renta Máxima, entendiendo que la acumulación de riqueza y, por ello mismo, de poder económico y político de los muy ricos, atenta contra el deber fiduciario de las repúblicas democráticas de garantizar una “vida normal” para todos sus habitantes. This article is envisaged as a homage to Antoni Domènech who bequeathed us a Research Programme on “the historical and conceptual origins of classical democratic republicanism”, which is also valid for the phase of the capitalist mode of production we are presently facing at the beginning of the third decade of the twenty-first century. Our aims are 1) to establish and demonstrate the viability of a basic income, which is understood as safeguarding a minimum of social existence for everyone, and that would guarantee the universalisation of republican freedom; and 2) to tackle the question of justifying a Maximum Income, in the understanding that the accumulation of wealth, and hence of the political and economic power of the very rich, is an assault against the fiduciary duty of democratic republics to guarantee a “normal” life for all citizens. (shrink)

The present essay is the first part of an analysis regarding aspects of Aristotle’s ontology. Aristotle’s ontology is, in my opinion, a formal ontology that examines the fundamental structures of reality and that investigates the features belonging to entities such as substance, quantity, quality, universals. Aristotle’s ontology investigates, moreover, the reciprocal relations existing between these entities. Aristotle’s interpretation of universals is not, in my opinion, a nominalist interpretation of universals: I do not think Aristotle regards universals as being only mental (...) entities. Aristotle, rather, aims at the differentiation between the realms of reality to which individuals and universals belong. In this part of my investigation, I first expose my interpretation of the fundaments of Aristotle’s ontology. Thereafter, I concentrate my attention on chapter Metaphysics Zeta 13: I comment on Aristotle’s investigation regarding the ontological features belonging to the universal qua universal and to the substance qua substance. I analyse the ontological laws that Aristotle finds about universal and substance: substance and universals are considered by Aristotle as mutually incompatible entities. The analysis shows that a false interpretation of the features of the universals endangers the whole ontology. Moreover, the Third-Man-Regress, which is one of the consequences of the misunderstanding of the position of universals in the reality, is regarded as the key to the interpretation of one of Aristotle’s aims: Aristotle aims at the foundation of a typological ontology putting individual entities and universal entities on different levels of reality. The danger of the Third-Man-Regress is avoided through the introduction of a new ontology, that is, through the introduction of the typological ontology of the entities. (shrink)