There are those who say that the changes in the position of Jean-Paul Sartre from the publication of L'Être et le néant to the appearance of Critique de la raison dialectique constitute a “radical conversion”. Some attribute this conversion to the influence of Maurice Merleau-Ponty. Sartre has given support to this claim by acknowledging that Merleau-Ponty taught him politics and in doing so helped to move Sartre from the fierce individualism of his early period to the position which culminated in (...) CRD, a position informed by a much greater appreciation for social entanglement. But what is not clear is that Merleau-Ponty's influence upon Sartre extended to Sartre's fundamental convictions, particularly to his fundamental ontological theses. Kwant tells us that Merleau-Ponty's objections to Sartre in the last days of his life indicate that he believed that Sartre had not altered his ontological views. Sartre has not commented upon that issue. It is of vital interest because Merleau-Ponty explicitly claimed in Les Aventures de la dialectique that Sartre's mistaken political views were a consequence of his mistaken ontological principles. Were this true and were it true that Sartre had not made significant alterations in his ontology, one would expect that Merleau-Ponty would have to have said that Sartre's political views in CRD were similarly mistaken. We know that he did make some comments to that effect but, since Merleau-Ponty's tragic death prevented the full articulation of his latest opinions, we cannot be certain. (shrink)

After asking whether the concept of totalitarianism still has a meaning in today’s world, and whether its critique makes political sense, the author turns to the model provided by the two phases of Claude Lefort’s attempts to understand totalitarianism over the past 60 years. He distinguishes two distinct phases; the first is framed by critical Marxism, the second influenced by the phenomenology of the late Merleau-Ponty. The author stresses Lefort’s major works, including the role of his pathbreaking work on Machiavelli, (...) ‘ La critique du totalitarisme et l’invention de la démocratie’, ‘ Un homme en trop’ (on Solzenhitsyn and the Goulag), and ‘ La complication’ (which rejects the oversimplified interpretation of totalitarianism as simply an ideology). (shrink)

En este artículo busco repensar el concepto de transformación política con la ayuda de algunas sugerencias de la obra del filósofo Étienne Balibar. De acuerdo con esto, en primer lugar, señalo que la práctica política actualiza cierto carácter irreductible de la violencia en el interior de la coexistencia humana. En segunda instancia, argumento que dicha actualización tiene un desenvolvimiento ético que permite que las relaciones sociales estén atravesadas por la inminencia del conflicto político. Finalmente, muestro que la práctica política teje (...) unos criterios sensibles que conjuran la aparición de la extrema violencia en el mundo contemporáneo. (shrink)

This article seeks to problematise the opposition between democracy and republic that is at the foundation of political philosophy. Following this horizon, firstly, it explores the reason that allows political thought, on the one hand, to recognise the merit of democracy as the founding act of a republic, but, on the other, to ignore its role within already founded political bodies. Secondly, and with the help of Louis Althusser’s perspective, it is suggested that this ambiguous and paradoxical role of democracy (...) can be interpreted from a mystifying way of understanding ideology that is present in the most hegemonic political philosophies. Finally, it is proposed to approach the relationship between democracy and the body politic from Althusser’s reading of Machiavelli in his text Machiavelli and Us. (shrink)

Husserl’s phenomenology was particularly influential for a number of French philosophers and their theories. Two of the most prominent French thinkers, Jean-Paul Sartre and Maurice Merleau-Ponty, turned to the instruments offered by phenomenology in their attempts to understand the notions of the body, consciousness, imagination, human being, world and many others. Both philosophers also provided their definitions of perception, but they understood this notion in very different ways. The paper describes selected aspects of Husserl’s phenomenology that were adopted by Sartre (...) and Merleau-Ponty and depicts the presumptions of their respective theories of perception, as well as the differences between them. The main thesis presented here is that theories as different as those proposed by Sartre and Merleau-Ponty may, and indeed do, lead to the same conclusion, i.e. that perception represents a different form of cognition. Despite the differences between these theories, they can both be placed in the contemporary context of phenomenological research carried out by cognitive philosophers Dan Zahavi and Shaun Gallagher, as well as by the proponent of the enactive theory of perception, Alva Noë. (shrink)

This paper int e nds to re s e a rch the possibility of thinking the several elements of Sartre’s works according to one axe named “realism”. It is important to explain what “realism” means here. Not intending find out a definitive definit ion of “realism”, he re “realism” means the struc t u ral tre nd of west letters towards “representing the reality”. Otherwise, the main objective of this paper is not de f i n i ng strictly the (...) sense of “realism”. Our main objective is related all i m p o r t a nt Sartre’s work eleme nts – the philosophical eleme nt s, the critic i s m elements, the literary eleme nts – in a way that ma kes clear the integrity of sartrean project. (shrink)

Cornelius Castoriadis is a radical thinker that reflects on the onto-epistemological presuppositions put into play every time that one considers the historical-social as an area where human practices are developed. In this paper, we will try to explore the relationship between history, time and politics in his works. Firstly, we will try to understand the importance of the invention of Athenian democracy and its link between politics and philosophy. Secondly, we will make reference to the relationship that is possible to (...) establish between political imagination and history in order to interpret the meaning of the temporality in the historical-social domain. Finally, we will try to analyze the implications of his onto-epistemological posture for understanding the new meaning of the project of individual and social autonomy reprised with different modalities in Greece and in Western Europe. We believe that the originality of the thinking of Castoriadis consists in linking the analysis of the socio-historical coordinates and a social-political ontology, which aims to “think otherwise” history, time and political activity as the essential possibilities of human beings. (shrink)

En varias oportunidades, el filósofo francés Maurice Merleau-Ponty plantea que hay una "carne del lenguaje" que se puede entender como la comprensión paradójica de sí y del otro en el seno mismo del lenguaje; esta "carne" está en relación con el desarrollo de la vida humana y da testimonio del cambio en los individuos que, observándose a sí mismos, quieren ser individuos nuevos a cada momento. Siguiendo a Merleau-Ponty, el presente ensayo se propone reconocer la condición del ser reinventado continuamente (...) por la expresión del lenguaje. On several occasions, the French philosopher Maurice Merleau-Ponty says there is a "flesh of language" that can be understood as a paradoxical understanding of self and the other within the same language. This "flesh" is related to the development of human life and bears witness to the change in individuals, observing themselves, who want to be new individuals each time. Following Merleau-Ponty, this essay proposes to recognize the condi-tion of being continually reinvented by the expression of language. (shrink)