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  1. Zwei Begriffe der Wissenschaftsfreiheit: Zum Verhältnis von Wissenschaft und Politik.Karsten Schubert - 2023 - Zeitschrift für Praktische Philosophie (1).
    Wissenschaftsfreiheit wird vorherrschend als Freiheit der Wissenschaft von politischer Einmischung verstanden. Der Artikel kritisiert dieses negative Verständnis von Wissenschaftsfreiheit anhand einer Analyse seines prominentesten Vertreters, dem Netzwerk Wissenschaftsfreiheit, das damit eine Politisierung einseitig den Vertreter*innen gesellschaftskritischer Ansätze zuschreibt, während es die eigene Position als ‚rein wissenschaftlich‘ und politisch neutral dargestellt. Demgegenüber schlägt der Artikel ein kritisches Verständnis von Wissenschaftsfreiheit vor, das seine Politizität reflektiert. Ausgehend von der Analyse, dass starre Macht- und Privilegienstrukturen das zentrale Hindernis für die gemeinsame Arbeit an (...)
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  • Politische Bildung für die digitale Öffentlichkeit: Umgang mit politischer Information und Kommunikation in digitalen Räumen.Manuel S. Hubacher & Monika Waldis (eds.) - 2021 - Wiesbaden, Deutschland: Springer.
    In diesem Open-Access-Sammelband setzen sich Autor*innen aus unterschiedlichsten Disziplinen mit der Auswirkung einer digitalisierten Öffentlichkeit für die Politische Bildung auseinander. Sie erörtern, wie sich die Formen digitaler politischer Kommunikation auswirken, wie der Politikunterricht mit der veränderten Ausgangslage umgehen könnte und welche Kompetenzen Schüler*innen benötigen, um in der digitalen Öffentlichkeit selbstbestimmt und -ermächtigt politisch teilzuhaben. Die Komplexität und die Interdependenzen digitaler Kommunikation verlangen nach einer multiperspektivischen und transdisziplinären Perspektive, der dieser Band verpflichtet ist.
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  • Zum Verhältnis von Interaktion, Organisation und Gesellschaft in der Therwiler Handschlag-Affäre. Eine systemtheoretische Analyse.Urs Weber, Daniela Stauffacher, Katharina Frank & Rafael Walthert - 2021 - Zeitschrift für Religionswissenschaft 29 (1):16-38.
    ZusammenfassungDer Beitrag baut auf Niklas Luhmanns Unterscheidung zwischen verschiedenen Typen sozialer Systeme auf, nämlich Interaktionen, Organisationen und einer durch funktionale Teilsysteme strukturierten Gesellschaft. Auf dieser Basis wird der Fall zweier Schüler in einer Schweizer Sekundarschule analysiert, die ihren Lehrerinnen mit religiöser Begründung den Handschlag verweigerten. Gezeigt wird, wie dieses Ereignis von verschiedenen Systemtypen als Problem bearbeitet und jeweils unterschiedlich beobachtet wurde, wobei speziell auch die Frage nach dem Stellenwert des Teilsystems Religion gestellt wird. Insbesondere der Zeitbedarf und der Stellenwert schriftlicher (...)
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  • La teoría de sistemas de Niklas Luhmann.Eguzki Urteaga - 2016 - Contrastes: Revista Internacional de Filosofía 15 (1-2):301-317.
    ResumenSociólogo alemán profundamente original y difícilmente clasificable, Niklas Luhmann (1927- 1998) ha elaborado una teoría ambiciosa y coherente en la que describe la sociedad moderna como un sistema. Constituido, no tanto por individuos sino por comunicación, se diferencia en subsistemas funcionales cerrados a través de códigos especializados: los sistemas político, económico, religioso, artístico o jurídico. Inspirándose en autores, teorías y disciplinas muy diferentes, Niklas Luhmman ha construido una de las obras más fecundas y singulares del siglo XX. De manera más (...)
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  • Political Sociology: Between Civilizations and Modernities: A Multiple Modernities Perspective.Willfried Spohn - 2010 - European Journal of Social Theory 13 (1):49-66.
    This article outlines a comparative-civilizational multiple modernities perspective on political sociology. In the context of the major currents within political sociology — modernization approaches, critical and neo-Marxist as well as postmodern and global approaches — it is argued that a comparative-civilizational multiple modernities perspective is defined by several characteristics. First, against functionalist-evolutionist modernization approaches it emphasizes the fragility, contradictions and openness as well as civilizational multiplicity of political modernity and political modernization processes. Second, against critical and neo-Marxist approaches, it insists (...)
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  • On the Relevance of Niccolò Machiavelli's Understanding of Time for Contemporary Politics.Benjamin Schmid - 2023 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 70 (174):106-127.
    Niccolò Machiavelli's political thoughts are based on a specific understanding of time. Whoever wants to make use of his conclusions must therefore be aware of his premises in order not to run the risk of misinterpreting them. Even if the Florentine does not develop an explicit theory of time, statements about the meaning of time can be found implicitly in his entire oeuvre. In three steps, this article will present the main features of Machiavelli's understanding of time, an explanation of (...)
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  • The Power of Power—Questions to Michel Foucault.Norbert Ricken - 2006 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 38 (4):541-560.
    To question power means also to ask what makes us governable and enables us to govern. This paper addresses this issue by rephrasing the question ‘what is power?’ into the question: ‘to what problem can power be seen as a response?’. This transformation allows us to keep the ‘power of power’ in sight. It then elucidates the ‘how’ of power through some conceptual explorations and theoretical clarifications as well as through an explicitly anthropological problematisation of power, as the way in (...)
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  • The power of power—questions to Michel Foucault.Norbert Ricken - 2006 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 38 (4):541–560.
    To question power means also to ask what makes us governable and enables us to govern. This paper addresses this issue by rephrasing the question ‘what is power?’ into the question: ‘to what problem can power be seen as a response?’. This transformation allows us to keep the ‘power of power’ in sight. It then elucidates the ‘how’ of power through some conceptual explorations and theoretical clarifications as well as through an explicitly anthropological problematisation of power, as the way in (...)
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  • Beyond the ‘other’ as constitutive outside: The politics of immunity in Roberto Esposito and Niklas Luhmann.Hannah Richter - 2016 - European Journal of Political Theory 18 (2):147488511665839.
    This article re-conceptualises the ‘constitutive outside’ through Roberto Esposito’s theory of immunity to detach it from Laclau and Mouffe’s political antagonism. It identifies Esposito’s thought as an innovative epistemological perspective to dissolve post-ontological political theories of community from the intertwinement with a foundational self/other dialectic. Esposito shows how a community can sustain its relations through introversive immunisation against a primarily undefined outside. But it is argued that his theory of immunity slips back to a vitalist depth ontology which ultimately de-politicises (...)
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  • Beyond the ‘other’ as constitutive outside: The politics of immunity in Roberto Esposito and Niklas Luhmann.Hannah Richter - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory 18 (2):216-237.
    This article re-conceptualises the ‘constitutive outside’ through Roberto Esposito’s theory of immunity to detach it from Laclau and Mouffe’s political antagonism. It identifies Esposito’s thought as an innovative epistemological perspective to dissolve post-ontological political theories of community from the intertwinement with a foundational self/other dialectic. Esposito shows how a community can sustain its relations through introversive immunisation against a primarily undefined outside. But it is argued that his theory of immunity slips back to a vitalist depth ontology which ultimately de-politicises (...)
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  • Asking the Sovereignty Question in Global Legal Pluralism: From “Weak” Jurisprudence to “Strong” Socio‐Legal Theories of Constitutional Power Operations.Jiří Přibáň - 2015 - Ratio Juris 28 (1):31-51.
    The article examines recent theories of legal and constitutional pluralism, especially their adoption of sociological perspectives and criticisms of the concept of sovereignty. The author argues that John Griffiths's original dichotomy of “weak” and “strong” pluralism has to be reassessed because “weak” jurisprudential theories contain useful sociological analyses of the internal differentiation and operations of specific legal orders, their overlapping, parallel validity and collisions in global society. Using the sociological methodology of legal pluralism theories and critically elaborating on Teubner's societal (...)
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  • Multiple sovereignty: On europe's self-constitutionalization and legal self-reference.JIŘÍ PŘIBÁŇ - 2010 - Ratio Juris 23 (1):41-64.
    This article focuses on theoretical reflections on sovereignty and constitutionalism in the context of the globalization and Europeanisation of the nation states, their politics, and legal systems. Starting from a critical assessment of the Kelsen-Schmitt polemic, the author claims that sovereignty needs to be analysed by the sociological method in order to disclose its current structural differentiation. The constitution of society may be imagined as the multitude of self-constituted and functionally differentiated social subsystems. The constitutional pluralism argument subsequently reconceptualizes sovereignty (...)
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  • Europe, crisis, and critique: Social theory and transnational society.Patrick O’Mahony - 2014 - European Journal of Social Theory 17 (3):238-257.
    The article begins with a selective outline of social theories of crisis. Such crisis diagnosis is important for general, societal argumentation. The current article positions normative-critical theories and Luhmann’s own version of system theory on opposite sides of the societal argument about the future of Europe and, generally, postnational society. The former supports moral and ethical visions of egalitarian pluralism, and the latter emphasizes the need to conform to the functional, communication logics of self-organizing social systems. It is then proposed (...)
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  • The Increase of Complexity and its Reduction.Helga Nowotny - 2005 - Theory, Culture and Society 22 (5):15-31.
    Taking the lead from complexity theory and complex systems methodology, the article argues that we are engaged in a contradictory process when encountering, analysing and dealing with complexity. We face opposite tendencies that indicate an in-built dynamic between the increase of complexity and its reduction. The increase partly comes through evolution, defined as the transmission of information and partly from the desire for a human-built world that functions more efficiently. The reduction of complexity is due partly to the necessity of (...)
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  • The symbolic force of human rights.Marcelo Neves - 2007 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 33 (4):411-444.
    The article deals with `The Symbolic Force of Human Rights'. First, it restricts the meaning of the term `symbolic' and of the expression `symbolic force'. Second, it discusses the concept of human rights. Having established the conceptual framework, the author goes to the core of his argument, characterizing the symbolic force of human rights as ambivalent: on one hand, it serves for their generalized affirmation and accomplishment; on the other hand, it acts as a manner of political manipulation. In this (...)
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  • Populism and the political system: A critical systems theory approach to the study of populism.Kolja Möller - 2024 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 50 (2):299-322.
    This article outlines a critical systems theory approach to the study of populism by arguing that populism is an avenue of contestation which assumes a distinct role and function in the existing constitution of the political system. Most notably, it is characterised by the re-entry of a popular sovereignty dimension within regular political procedures. By taking up a critical systems theory perspective, it becomes possible to more precisely distinguish populism from other forms of politics, such as oppositional politics, social movement (...)
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  • “Living” Law: Performative, Not Discursive. [REVIEW]Claudius Messner - 2012 - International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue Internationale de Sémiotique Juridique 25 (4):537-552.
    This article questions some assumptions in legal, moral and political theory regarding the law’s ways of functioning. As the constant revival of the topos ‘living law’ shows, underlying common models of law, and of the legitimacy of law, is, though often implicitly, the view that law is or should be particular, near to the facts, flexible, susceptible to realities, and as a consequence accessible to modernisations. However, this article proposes an immanent critique of similar hopes or fears, and it argues (...)
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  • The social and the political in Luhmann.Joohyung Kim - 2015 - Contemporary Political Theory 14 (4):355-376.
  • Cultural Performance and Political Regime Change.Thomas Kern - 2009 - Sociological Theory 27 (3):291-316.
    The question about how culture shapes the possibilities for successful democratization has been a controversial issue for decades. This article maintains that successful democratization depends not only on the distribution of political interests and resources, but to seriously challenge a political regime, the advocates of democracy require cultural legitimacy as well Accordingly, the central question is how democratic ideas are connected to the broader culture of a social community. This issue will be addressed in the case of South Korea. The (...)
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  • Hobbes, Schmitt, and the paradox of religious liberality.Karsten Fischer - 2010 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 13 (2-3):399-416.
  • Civil Society’s Barbarisms.Volker Heins - 2004 - European Journal of Social Theory 7 (4):499-517.
    Instead of arguing about elements and boundaries of civil society, recent discussions in social theory have focused on the concept of civil society itself as embedded in different currents of social and political thought. Following up on these discussions, this article reconstructs the concept of civil society by identifying a number of implicit oppositional terms and the respective semantic fields, which in different historical contexts have lent meaning to the concept. Three such oppositional terms and counter-meanings will be distinguished in (...)
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  • Functional differentiation as ideology of the (neo)colonial society.Guilherme Leite Gonçalves - 2017 - Thesis Eleven 143 (1):70-81.
    This article discusses the ideological character of the notion of functional differentiation. According to Luhmann, the development of worldwide social differentiation leads to different regional developments and generates, through the inclusion/exclusion code, a division of the world between places where the functional differentiation operates appropriately and inappropriately. This paper argues, however, that functional differentiation is only readable as an ensemble of relations of power and ideological discourses. This subject is developed in light of theoretical approaches from the Marxist tradition and (...)
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  • The Potential for Plurality and Prevalence of the Religious Institutional Logic.Ali A. Gümüsay - 2020 - Business and Society 59 (5):855-880.
    Religion is a significant social force on organizational practice yet has been relatively underexamined in organization theory. In this article, I assert that the institutional logics perspective is especially conducive to examine the macrolevel role of religion for organizations. The notion of the religious logic offers conceptual means to explain the significance of religion, its interrelationship with other institutional orders, and embeddedness into and impact across interinstitutional systems. I argue for intrainstitutional logic plurality and show that specifically the intrareligious logic (...)
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  • An Emerging European Public Sphere.Erik Oddvar Eriksen - 2005 - European Journal of Social Theory 8 (3):341-363.
    The development of post-national democracy in Europe depends on the emergence of an overarching communicative space that functions as a public sphere. But can there be a public sphere when there is no collective identity? Despite the fact that the European Union (EU) is neither a state nor a nation its development as a new kind of polity is closely connected to the formation of a common communicative space. In this article it is argued that European cooperation and problem solving (...)
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  • Habermas, Popular Sovereignty, and the Legitimacy of Law.George Duke - forthcoming - Law and Critique:1-20.
    Habermas’ theory of popular sovereignty has received comparatively little sustained critical attention in the Anglo-American literature since initial responses to Between Facts and Norms. In light of subsequent work on group agency, this paper argues that Habermas’ reconstruction of popular sovereignty—in its denial of the normative force of collective citizen action—is best understood as a renunciation of the doctrine. The paper is structured in three sections. Section 1 examines Habermas’ treatment of popular sovereignty prior to Between Facts and Norms as (...)
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  • Legitimating reason or self-created uncertainty? Public opinion as an observer of modern politics.Giancarlo Corsi - 2017 - Thesis Eleven 143 (1):44-55.
    Theoretical approaches to public opinion are hard to find in the sociological literature, with the exception of the seminal work of Jürgen Habermas. One important alternative, although almost unknown in the English-speaking world, is offered in a few contributions by the systems theoretician Niklas Luhmann. Both critical theory and systems theory start from a historical analysis of the conditions that led to the rise of a public sphere and understand its function as the limitation and control of the arbitrariness of (...)
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  • Review article: Recent studies in German political thought.Catherine Colliot-Thélène - 2011 - European Journal of Political Theory 10 (1):122-135.
  • El concepto de memoria social como problema para la teoría de sistemas sociales.Santiago Calise - 2011 - Cinta de Moebio 42:261-275.
    El concepto de memoria social es una de las categorías que más relevancia adquirió en la producción teórica de Niklas Luhmann en los últimos años de su vida. Tal concepto se encuentra, en una buena parte, inspirado en la memory fuction descripta por el matemático inglés George Spencer Brown. La memoria social pretende dar cuenta de un rendimiento de memoria propio de la sociedad, independiente de las memorias de los sistemas psíquicos y neurofisiológicos. En este trabajo se abordará el tema (...)
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  • Spitzensport versus Studium? Organisationswandel und Netzwerkbildung als strukturelle Lösungen des Inklusionsproblems studierender Spitzensportler / Top-level Sports versus University Studies? Changes in Organizations and Networking as Structural Solutions for Inclusion Problems of Top-Level Athletes Who Work on a College Degree.Klaus Cachay, Carmen Borggrefe & Lars Riedl - 2007 - Sport Und Gesellschaft 4 (2):159-189.
    Zusammenfassung Spitzensport zu betreiben und gleichzeitig ein Hochschulstudium zu absolvieren, scheint unter den derzeitigen Umständen nahezu unmöglich. Der Artikel konstruiert dieses Phänomen der Unvereinbarkeit zweier Karrieren zunächst gesellschaftstheoretisch als Inklusionsproblem. Da eine merkliche Verbesserung der Situation der Athleten letztlich nur auf Seiten der Hochschule erwartet werden darf, werden anschließend aus organisationstheoretischer Perspektive die dortigen Möglichkeiten und Grenzen interner Strukturveränderungen reflektiert. Schließlich wird diskutiert, wie Hochschulen mit den Erwartungen des Spitzensports umgehen können und in welcher Weise sich im Rahmen von Netzwerken (...)
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  • Niklas Luhmann's systems theoretical redescription of the inclusion/exclusion debate.Antoon Braeckman - 2006 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 32 (1):65-88.
    Relying on Niklas Luhmann's systems theoretical redescription of modern society, this article aims at questioning the basic theoretical notions of the ongoing inclusion/exclusion debate. The most remarkable aspect of Luhmann's reassessment of the inclusion/exclusion relationship within functionally differentiated societies is that individuals are basically situated within the exclusion domain of society, and thus cannot but partially be included within society's function systems and organizations. This reassessment not only allows Luhmann to raise fundamental questions with respect to the implicit norm of (...)
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  • Soziale Teilhabe als Tatsache, Wert und Aufgabe: Blinde Flecken der zeitgenössischen Inklusionsforschung.Hauke Behrendt - 2019 - Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie 67 (3):464-489.
    Name der Zeitschrift: Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie Jahrgang: 67 Heft: 3 Seiten: 464-489.
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  • Jenseits von Souveränität und Territorialität: Überlegungen zu einer politischen Theorie der Stadt.Marlon Barbehön & Michael Haus - 2021 - Zeitschrift für Praktische Philosophie 8 (1).
    Zusammenfassung: Seit jeher dienen Städte als Projektionsfläche sowohl für die Identifikation von problematischen Tendenzen der Gesellschaft als auch für die Entwicklung erstrebenswerter gesellschaftlicher Zukünfte. Als Kristallisationspunkt und Triebkraft soziopolitischer Entwicklungen nimmt die Stadt eine zentrale Stellung in Praktiken des Regierens und deren Beobachtung ein – und doch tut sich die Politische Theorie traditionell schwer damit, ein Verständnis von Stadt zu entwickeln, das diesem Status und den damit verbundenen Ambivalenzen gerecht wird. Allzu oft verbleiben entsprechende Debatten dem Souveränitätsparadigma verhaftet, sodass die (...)
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  • The Hitler swarm.Dirk Baecker - 2013 - Thesis Eleven 117 (1):68-88.
    Explaining the seizure of power by the National Socialist Party and the totalitarian workings of the Nazi regime in the Third Reich is still difficult not only with respect to the atrocities committed but also to understanding whether the German population and society had to be terrorized into complying with the regime or were part and parcel of it. The paper introduces a notion of swarm to advance the idea that the German population was terrorized into a deliberate compliance with (...)
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  • The Principle of Subsidiarity.Stefan Gosepath - 2005 - In Andreas Follesdal & Thomas Pogge (eds.), Real World Justice. Grounds, Principles, Human Rights, and Social Institutions. Springer. pp. 157-170.
  • Mobility and Solidarity. Paper 2.Alexander Filippov - 2012 - Russian Sociological Review 11 (1):19-39.
    This article is a continuation of “Mobility and Solidarity. Paper One”. Solidarity is considered from the point of view of co-intended meaning, as an additional motive accompanying the main motivation of participants of interaction, and at the exhaustion of the initial motive, replacing this motive. An example of such a motive in elementary interactions is fidelity. Fidelity, according to Georg Simmel, enables participants to make logical induction from the facts of the current behavior to the expected behavior of partners. Other (...)
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