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Political Liberalism

Political Theory 18 (3):339-360 (1990)

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  1. On Public Happiness.Vasti Roodt - 2014 - South African Journal of Philosophy 33 (4):455–467.
    Theories of happiness usually consider happiness as something that matters to us from a first-person perspective. In this paper, I defend a conception of public happiness that is distinct from private or first-person happiness. Public happiness is presented as a feature of the system of right that defines the political relationship between citizens, as opposed to their personal mental states, desires or well-being. I begin by outlining the main features of public happiness as an Enlightenment ideal. Next, I relate the (...)
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  • From Normative Spheres to Normative Practices: New Prospects for Normative Theory After Habermas.Roberto Frega - 2013 - International Journal of Philosophical Studies 21 (5):680-712.
    In this paper I argue against Jürgen Habermas’s theoretical dualism between ethics and morality. I do this by showing how his account of normativity is vitiated by an unnecessary superposition of a social-evolutionary and a theoretical-linguistic account of normativity, and that this brings about theoretical problems that in the end cannot be overcome. I also show that Rainer Forst’s attempt at salvaging Habermas’s distinction is equally doomed to failure, but that his attempt nevertheless invites new and more fruitful avenues for (...)
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  • The Reasonable in Justice as Fairness.Jon Mandle - 1999 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 29 (1):75 - 107.
    The publication of Political Liberalismhas allowed John Rawls to bring to the fore issues that remained in the background of A Theory of Justice. His explicit attention to the concept of ‘the reasonable’ is a welcome development. In a more recent publication, he affirms the importance of this concept, ‘while [granting] that the idea of the reasonable needs a more thorough examination than Political Liberalism offers.’ In this paper, I will present a critical exposition of the senses of the reasonable (...)
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  • A Critique of Pure Public Reason.Esha Senchaudhuri - 2011 - Dissertation, London School of Economics
    Contemporary political liberalism defends the view that any legitimate law ought to be justified to those reasonable citizens subject to it. A standard way in which to accomplish this task is to construct a set of public reasons, comprised of constitutional essentials and public democratic values, which are then used to justify all political mandates. The dissertation begins with a criticism of this process of justification for outcomes of legitimate procedures of public decision-making. It argues that given how reasons contribute (...)
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  • Tra cielo e terra. Nota critica su Utopophobia_, di David Estlund, e _What is Political Philosophy?, di Charles Larmore.Francesco Testini - 2020 - Biblioteca Della Libertà 55 (229):153-168.
    L’anno appena trascorso è stato dimenticabile (per ovvie ragioni) e i filosofi politici hanno una ragione in più per dimenticarlo data la prematura scomparsa di Gerald Gaus. Tuttavia, essi potrebbero forse trovare una qualche consolazione nel fatto che il 2020 ha visto la pubblicazione di due notevoli opere dedicate alla loro disciplina. Non mi riferisco a due notevoli opere di filosofia politica – quelle spesso non mancano – ma a due opere sulla filosofia politica: Utopohobia: On the Limits (if any) (...)
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  • Political Disagreement, Legitimacy, and Civility.David Archard - 2001 - Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):207 – 222.
    For many contemporary liberal political philosophers the appropriate response to the facts of pluralism is the requirement of public reasonableness, namely that individuals should be able to offer to their fellow citizens reasons for their political actions that can generally be accepted.This article finds wanting two possible arguments for such a requirement: one from a liberal principle of legitimacy and the other from a natural duty of political civility. A respect in which conversational restraint in the face of political agreement (...)
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  • The Social Value of Non-Deferential Belief.Allan Hazlett - 2016 - Australasian Journal of Philosophy 94 (1):131-151.
    We often prefer non-deferential belief to deferential belief. In the last twenty years, epistemology has seen a surge of sympathetic interest in testimony as a source of knowledge. We are urged to abandon ‘epistemic individualism’ and the ideal of the ‘autonomous knower’ in favour of ‘social epistemology’. In this connection, you might think that a preference for non-deferential belief is a manifestation of vicious individualism, egotism, or egoism. I shall call this the selfishness challenge to preferring non-deferential belief. The aim (...)
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  • Educating the Reasonable: Political Liberalism and Public Education.Frodo Podschwadek - 2021 - Springer.
    Offering the first developed account of political liberal education, this book combines a thorough analysis of the theoretical groundwork of political liberal education with application-oriented approaches to contemporary educational challenges. Following in depth engagement with the shortcomings of Rawls’ theory and addressing some key objections to neutrality-based restrictions in education, the volume moves on to provide an insightful discussion of topics such as same-sex relations in sex-education, the position of migrant children and the rights of religious parents to determine the (...)
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  • Against Public Reason’s Alleged Self-Defeat.Andrei Bespalov - 2021 - Law and Philosophy 40 (6):617-644.
    Mainstream political liberals hold that state coercion is legitimate only if it is justified on the grounds of reasons that all may reasonably be expected to accept. Critics argue that this public justification principle is self-defeating, because it depends on moral justifications that not all may reasonably be expected to accept. To rebut the self-defeat objection, I elaborate on the following disjunction: one either agrees or disagrees that it is wrong to impose one’s morality on others by the coercive power (...)
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  • Liberal Democracies and Encompassing Religious Communities: A Defense of Autonomy and Accommodation.Andrew K. Wahlstrom - 2005 - Journal of Social Philosophy 36 (1):31–48.
  • The Rational, the Reasonable and Justification.Gerald F. Gaus - 1995 - Journal of Political Philosophy 3 (3):234–258.
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  • Feminist Politics and Feminist Pluralism: Can We Do Feminist Political Theory Without Theories of Gender?Amy R. Baehr - 2004 - Journal of Political Philosophy 12 (4):411–436.
  • Justification, Coercion, and the Place of Public Reason.Chad Van Schoelandt - 2015 - Philosophical Studies 172 (4):1031-1050.
    Public reason accounts commonly claim that exercises of coercive political power must be justified by appeal to reasons accessible to all citizens. Such accounts are vulnerable to the objection that they cannot legitimate coercion to protect basic liberal rights against infringement by deeply illiberal people. This paper first elaborates the distinctive interpersonal conception of justification in public reason accounts in contrast to impersonal forms of justification. I then detail a core dissenter-based objection to public reason based on a worrisome example (...)
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  • Educating for Autonomy: Liberalism and Autonomy in the Capabilities Approach.Luara Ferracioli & Rosa Terlazzo - 2014 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 17 (3):443-455.
    Martha Nussbaum grounds her version of the capabilities approach in political liberalism. In this paper, we argue that the capabilities approach, insofar as it genuinely values the things that persons can actually do and be, must be grounded in a hybrid account of liberalism: in order to show respect for adults, its justification must be political; in order to show respect for children, however, its implementation must include a commitment to comprehensive autonomy, one that ensures that children develop the skills (...)
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  • Beyond Good Reasons: Solidarity, Open Texture, and the Ethics of Deliberation.William P. Umphres - 2018 - Constellations 25 (4):556-569.
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  • Privacy and the Integrity of Liberal Politics: The Case of Governmental Internet Searches.Dorota Mokrosinska - 2014 - Journal of Social Philosophy 45 (3):369-389.
  • Republicanism, Perfectionism, and Neutrality.Frank Lovett & Gregory Whitfield - 2016 - Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (1):120-134.
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  • Political Liberalism. Neutrality and the Political.Chant Al Mouffe - 1994 - Ratio Juris 7 (3):314-324.
  • Neutrality and Perfectionism in Public Health.Hafez Ismaili M’Hamdi - 2021 - American Journal of Bioethics 21 (9):31-42.
    The aim of this article is twofold. First is to demonstrate that most values that underpin public health policy are a source of reasonable disagreement amongst citizens to whom said policy applies....
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  • Why Public Reason Could Not Be Too Modest: The Case of Public Reason Confucianism.Franz Mang - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (2):163-176.
    In Public Reason Confucianism, Sungmoon Kim presents an important Confucian political theory that seeks to combine a specific conception of Confucianism and the ideal of public reason. My article examines this theory and identifies some of the theoretical complications with Rawlsian public reason.
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  • Gandhi Beyond Public Reason Liberalism.Karunakar Patra - 2021 - Journal of the Indian Council of Philosophical Research 38 (3):423-444.
    Since contemporary societies are deeply multicultural and plural, the partisan ideological politics obviously animate conflict of opinions and hard bargains that brings coercion into play. Thus political power is exercised to establish legitimacy and stability in the polity. The use of public reason as a tool of public inquiry is considered as most effective in deciding upon the outcomes of laws and policies. The idea of public reason is one of the contemporary innovations of liberal thinking in democracy and has (...)
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  • Habermas on Rawls and the Normative Foundations of Democracy.Krzysztof Kędziora - 2021 - European Journal of Social Theory 24 (4):545-561.
    The debate between Jürgen Habermas and John Rawls concerns the question of how to do political philosophy under conditions of cultural pluralism, if the aim of political philosophy is to uncover the normative foundation of a modern liberal democracy. Rawls’s political liberalism tries to bypass the problem of pluralism, using the intellectual device of the veil of ignorance, and yet paradoxically at the same time it treats it as something given and as an arbiter of justification within the political conception (...)
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  • Privacy and Autonomy: On Some Misconceptions Concerning the Political Dimensions of Privacy.Dorota Mokrosinska - 2018 - Law and Philosophy 37 (2):117-143.
    One of the most influential views in privacy scholarship is that privacy protects individual autonomy. On the early liberal view, the exercise of autonomy requires detachment from social and political life and privacy facilitates it. This view of privacy still informs current legal and political practice. As this view of privacy presupposes a tension between privacy and society, it is responsible for the underrating of privacy in legal and political practice. Over the last decades, liberal reflection on autonomy has shifted (...)
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  • Self-Defeat and the Foundations of Public Reason.Sameer Bajaj - 2017 - Philosophical Studies 174 (12):3133-3151.
    At the core of public reason liberalism is the idea that the exercise of political power is legitimate only if based on laws or political rules that are justifiable to all reasonable citizens. Call this the Public Justification Principle. Public reason liberals face the persistent objection that the Public Justification Principle is self-defeating. The idea that a society’s political rules must be justifiable to all reasonable citizens is intensely controversial among seemingly reasonable citizens of every liberal society. So, the objection (...)
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  • The Political Legitimacy of Retribution: Two Reasons for Skepticism.Benjamin Ewing - 2015 - Law and Philosophy 34 (4):369-396.
    Retributivism is often portrayed as a rights-respecting alternative to consequentialist justifications of punishment. However, I argue that the political legitimacy of retribution is doubtful precisely because retribution privileges a controversial conception of the good over citizens’ rights and more widely shared, publicly accessible interests. First, even if retribution is valuable, the best accounts of its value fail to show that it can override or partially nullify offenders’ rights to the fundamental forms of liberty of which criminal punishment paradigmatically deprives them. (...)
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  • Neutrality and Equal Respect: On Charles Larmore's Theory of Political Liberalism. [REVIEW]Jonathan Seglow - 2003 - Journal of Value Inquiry 37 (1):83-96.
  • Avoiding The Unavoidable? Judith Shklar’s Unwilling Search For An Overlapping Consensus.Shaun Young - 2007 - Res Publica 13 (3):231-253.
    No less an authority than John Rawls identified Judith Shklar as a ‘political’ liberal. However, though their respective conceptions of political liberalism are similar in a number of important respects, Shklar emphasizes that her vision differs notably from that of Rawls. In particular, she explicitly eschews Rawls’s focus on establishing and sustaining an overlapping consensus, arguing that his belief in the possibility of securing such a consensus is naïve and, indeed, dangerous insofar as it embodies an obvious disregard for the (...)
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  • Liberalism After Communitarianism.Charles Blattberg - 2021 - In Gerard Delanty & Stephen Turner (eds.), Handbook of Contemporary Social and Political Theory. Routledge.
    The ‘liberal-communitarian’ debate arose within anglophone political philosophy during the 1980s. This essay opens with an account of the main outlines of the debate, showing how liberals and communitarians tended to confront each other with opposing interpretations of John Rawls’ Theory of Justice (1999; originally published in 1971) and Political Liberalism (2005; originally published in 1993). The essay then proceeds to discuss four forms of ‘liberalism after communitarianism’: Michael Freeden’s account of liberalism as an ideology; Joseph Raz and Will Kymlicka’s (...)
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  • III. Contemporary Kantians: Shamanistic Incantations? Rawls, Reasonableness and Secular Fundamentalism.Stephen De Wijze - 2007 - Journal of International Political Theory 3 (1):109-128.
    The paper examines a specific charge against Rawls's political liberalism, namely that the manner in which it uses the notion of reasonableness renders it a form of secular fundamentalism. The paper begins with an examination of what Rawls means by his notion of ‘the reasonable’ and briefly outlines its role in his version of political liberalism. This leads to a discussion of the different meanings of ‘secular fundamentalism’ and how it is specifically used in its criticism of Rawls's ‘justice as (...)
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  • ‘Religious Citizens’ in Post-Secular Democracies.Julien Winandy - 2015 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 41 (8):837-852.
    For the past two decades, philosophers of religion have paid close attention to the debates on public reason taking place within the context of political philosophy. Some thinkers claim that religious arguments should play a very limited role in political discourse, as this would amount to a politically sanctioned imposition of religious beliefs on people with different religious or non-religious worldviews. Others claim that excluding religious reasons would lead to an unfair exclusion of religious citizens from democratic processes. Underlying these (...)
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  • Tribal Sovereignty and the Intercultural Public Sphere.Michael Rabinder James - 1999 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 25 (5):57-86.
    While theorists of cultural pluralism have generally supported tribal sovereignty to protect threatened Native cultures, they fail to address adequately cultural conflicts between Native and non-Native communities, especially when tribal sovereignty facilitates illiberal or undemocratic practices. In response, I draw on Jürgen Habermas' conceptions of dis-course and the public sphere to develop a universalist approach to cultural pluralism, called the 'intercultural public sphere', which analyzes how cultures can engage in mutual learning and mutual criticism under fair conditions. This framework accommodates (...)
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  • Taking Reasonable Pluralism Seriously: An Internal Critique of Political Liberalism.Fabian Freyenhagen - 2011 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 10 (3):323-342.
    The later Rawls attempts to offer a non-comprehensive, but nonetheless moral justification in political philosophy. Many critics of political liberalism doubt that this is successful, but Rawlsians often complain that such criticisms rely on the unwarranted assumption that one cannot offer a moral justification other than by taking a philosophically comprehensive route. In this article, I internally criticize the justification strategy employed by the later Rawls. I show that he cannot offer us good grounds for the rational hope that citizens (...)
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  • Political Liberalism as a Political Theology? A Postcolonial Appendix to Paul Weithman’s Rawls, Political Liberalism and Reasonable Faith.Aakash Singh Rathore - forthcoming - Philosophy and Public Issues - Filosofia E Questioni Pubbliche.
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  • Value Neutrality and the Ranking of Opportunity Sets.Michael Garnett - 2016 - Economics and Philosophy 32 (1):99-119.
    I defend the idea that a liberal commitment to value neutrality is best honoured by maintaining a pure cardinality component in our rankings of opportunity or liberty sets. I consider two challenges to this idea. The first holds that cardinality rankings are unnecessary for neutrality, because what is valuable about a set of liberties from a liberal point of view is not its size but rather its variety. The second holds that pure cardinality metrics are insufficient for neutrality, because liberties (...)
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  • Perfektionistischer Liberalismus und Politischer Liberalismus.Martha C. Nussbaum - 2014 - Zeitschrift Für Praktische Philosophie 1 (1):99-166.
    Dieser Text ist ursprünglich 2011 unter dem Titel „Perfectionist Liberalism and Political Liberalism“ in Philosophy & Public Affairs 39, 3–45, erschienen. Wir danken Martha Nussbaum sowie dem Verlag Wiley für die Erlaubnis zur Übersetzung und hoffen damit, zur weiteren Rezeption dieses wichtigen Textes beizutragen.
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  • On Toleration in Social Work.Thomas M. Besch & Jung-Sook Lee - forthcoming - European Journal of Social Work.
    Toleration is one of many responses toward diversity and difference. With the growing diversity, the theme of toleration has often taken center stage in discussions of multiculturalism and social pluralism. Nonetheless, it has not received much attention in the social work profession. Social workers often encounter situations in which they face a choice between tolerating and not tolerating. We argue that toleration is a legitimate and relevant topic in social work discourse. To make this point, first, this paper discusses different (...)
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  • A Framework for Analyzing Public Reason Theories.Paul Billingham & Anthony Taylor - 2020 - European Journal of Political Theory.
    Proponents of public reason views hold that the exercise of political power ought to be acceptable to all reasonable citizens. This article elucidates the common structure shared by all public reas...
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  • Postmodern Liberalism as a New Humanism.Andrzej Szahaj - 2005 - Diogenes 52 (2):63-70.
    John Gray argues that the modern conception of man is common for all variants of the liberal tradition. The version of liberalism which is defended in this paper cannot be called ‘classical’ because it refuses the conception in question (it refuses such elements of it as, for example, claims of universality, idea of neutral Reason, idea of human nature). That is why the best label which can be given to it is ‘postmodern’ or ‘communitarian’ liberalism. Moreover, postmodern liberalism does not (...)
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  • Multiculturalism, Securalism and the State.Tariq Modood - 1998 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 1 (3):79-97.
  • Consensus, Neutrality and Compromise.Richard Bellamy & Martin Hollis - 1998 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 1 (3):54-78.
    (1998). Consensus, neutrality and compromise. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy: Vol. 1, Pluralsim and Liberal Neutrality, pp. 54-78. doi: 10.1080/13698239808403248.
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  • Enlightenment Liberalism and the Challenge of Pluralism.Matthew Jones - 2012 - Dissertation, Canterbury Christ Church University
    Issues relating to diversity and pluralism continue to permeate both social and political discourse. Of particular contemporary importance and relevance are those issues raised when the demands associated with forms of pluralism clash with those of the liberal state. These forms of pluralism can be divided into two subcategories: thin and thick pluralism. Thin pluralism refers to forms of pluralism that can be accommodated by the existing liberal framework, whereas thick pluralism challenges this liberal framework. -/- This thesis is an (...)
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  • On Discursive Respect.Thomas M. Besch - 2014 - Social Theory and Practice 40 (2):207-231.
    Moral and political forms of constructivism accord to people strong, “constitutive” forms of discursive standing and so build on, or express, a commitment to discursive respect. The paper explores dimensions of discursive respect, i.e., depth, scope, and purchase; it addresses tenuous interdependencies between them; on this basis, it identifies limitations of the idea of discursive respect and of constructivism. The task of locating discursive respect in the normative space defined by its three dimensions is partly, and importantly, an ethical task (...)
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  • The Limits of Public Reason.Bruce W. Brower - 1994 - Journal of Philosophy 91 (1):5-26.
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  • The Impossibility of Political Neutrality.Noriaki Iwasa - 2010 - Croatian Journal of Philosophy 10 (2):147-155.
    For some contemporary liberal philosophers, a huge concern is liberal neutrality, which is the idea that the state should be neutral among competing conceptions of the moral good pursued by the people. In The Morality of Freedom, Joseph Raz argues that we can neither achieve nor even approximate such neutrality. He shows that neutrality and fairness are different ideas. His notion of neutrality is stricter than John Rawls's and Ronald Dworkin's. Raz shows that both helping and not helping can be (...)
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  • The Truth About Public Reason.Robert Westmoreland - 1999 - Law and Philosophy 18 (3):271-296.
    Public reason is supposed to enable the enforcement of the conditions of a distinctively liberal ideal of autonomy on grounds acceptable to all citizens. After sketching the abstract concept of public reason, this paper sets out several conceptions of that ideal, in order to show that the logic of the public reason project carries it toward the sectarian politics it seeks to avoid.
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  • Moral Identity and Education in a Multicultural Society.Ben Spiecker & Jan Steutel - 1996 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 15 (1-2):159-165.
  • Public Justification, Inclusion, and Discursive Equality.Thomas M. Besch - 2018 - Dialogue 57 (3):591-614.
    The paper challenges the view that public justification sits well with emancipatory and egalitarian intuitions. I distinguish between the depth, scope and the purchase of the discursive standing that such justification allocates, and situate within this matrix Rawls’s view of public justification. A standard objection to this view is that public justification should be more inclusive in scope. This is both plausible and problematic in emancipatory and egalitarian terms. If inclusive public justification allocates discursive standing that is rich in purchase, (...)
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  • Shamanistic Incantations? Rawls, Reasonableness and Secular Fundamentalism.Stephen De Wijze - 2007 - Politics and Ethics Review 3 (1):109-128.
    The paper examines a specific charge against Rawls's political liberalism, namely that the manner in which it uses the notion of reasonableness renders it a form of secular fundamentalism. The paper begins with an examination of what Rawls means by his notion of ‘the reasonable’ and briefly outlines its role in his version of political liberalism. This leads to a discussion of the different meanings of ‘secular fundamentalism’ and how it is specifically used in its criticism of Rawls's ‘justice as (...)
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  • Consensus and Power in Deliberative Democracy.Tim6 Heysse - 2006 - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 49 (3):265 – 289.
    How does public discussion contribute to the reasonableness with which power is exercised in a democracy? Contemporary answers to this question (such as formulated by Rawls or Habermas), are often based upon two interconnected preconceptions. These are, 1. the idea that the value of public discussion lies primarily in the fact that citizens can reach a reasonable consensus through argumentation and discussion and, 2. the belief that the exercise of power is legitimate only if it is determined by a reasonable (...)
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  • Self-Respect and Public Reason.Gregory Whitfield - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 20 (6):677-696.