In seiner Geschichtsphilosophie, insbesondere der „Idee zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte in weltbürgerlicher Absicht" (1784) erforscht Kant die Geschichte nicht in der bunten Fülle der Geschehnisse. Diese Aufgabe überlässt er der „eigentlichen bloß empirisch abgefassten Historie". Er betrachtet die Geschichte vielmehr, insoweit sie für den Menschen als praktisches Vernunftwesen von Interesse ist. Dabei wahrt er den Zusammenhang mit der transzendentalen Vernunftkritik und fragt, unter welchen erfahrungsunabhängigen Bedingungen der Gang der Geschichte als vernünftig, als sinnvoll erscheint. So wirft Kant jene Sinnfrage auf, (...) die von den empirischen Geschichtswissenschaften weder gestellt noch beantwortet wird. Für die 2. Auflage anlässlich des 300. Jubiläums Immanuel Kants wurden die einzelnen Beiträge komplett überarbeitet und auf den neuesten Forschungsstand gebracht. Mit Beiträgen von: Karl Ameriks, Reinhard Brandt, Volker Gerhardt, Otfried Höffe, Christoph Horn, Patrick Kain, Pauline Kleingeld, Jane Kneller, Dieter Langewiesche, Jean-Michel Muglioni, Alessandro Pinzani und Wolfgang M. Schröder. (shrink)

Die Geschichte Europas wird spätestens seit der Aufklärung dominiert vom „Mythos des Fortschreitens“ (Sting). Fortschreiten bedeutet zunächst in einem formalen Sinne, die Dinge in einer spezifischen Weise wahrzunehmen, d.h. eine bestimmte Interpretation von Veränderungen vorzunehmen, dabei eine spezifische Richtung einzuschlagen, eine spezifische Betonung der Zukunft herauszustellen und letztlich ein spezifisches Ziel in der Zukunft zu realisieren zu suchen, wobei der Fortschritt nicht identisch mit der Erreichung des Ziels ist (Spaemann). Mit der Idee des Fortschritts gelingt eine Sicherung der Unvergeblichkeit jedes (...) Schrittes, wobei er jede seiner Phasen zur bloßen Vorstufe der ihr folgenden herunterstuft (Blumenberg). Mit ihm lässt sich die beste aller Welten noch vervollkommnen, weil das Ziel der Vollendung in die Optimierung integriert wird: Der Fortschritt kennt nur eigene Grenzen bzw. kennt er keine mehr, weil er die Bewegung der Grenzverschiebung ist. Daher kommt er auch nie ans Ziel. Und das gilt nicht nur für Wissenschaft und Technik, sondern auch für die Bildung und den Menschen: Dieser wird zu einem sich stetig selbst überbietenden und optimierbaren Wesen ernannt. Erst die Selbstermächtigung des Menschen als homo faber, eine nicht auf Transzendenz teleologisierte Geschichte und die Depotenzierung Gottes durch den Deismus machen den modernen Fortschritt möglich. Doch mittlerweile droht der Fortschritt „das Ziel zunichte zu machen, das er verwirklichen soll – die Idee des Menschen“ (Horkheimer). (shrink)

The article investigates the problem of Kant's proposal for a final global legal order. Kant expressed his stance very vaguely in the consecutively published texts On the Common Saying, Toward Perpetual Peace and The Metaphysics of Morals, which enabled numerous, often contradictory interpretations. The aim of the paper is to propose an alternative method of analysis of Kant's texts, which on one side reconciles textual discrepancies in his writings and on the other throws new light on many of the previous (...) interpretations. In order to accomplish this goal, I draw distinctions between four perspectives, from which the philosopher considers this issue in his writings. This allows me to give the final form of Kant's world peace, explain the character of the international state of nature vs the original one, and understand the role of the principles of politics and the status of Kant's teleological understanding of history. (shrink)

Kant’s moral proof of the postulate of immortality in the Critique of Practical Reason is often dismissed as a failed argument that trades on illicit conceptual shifts. I argue that Kant’s argument is more interesting and less problematic than is usually thought. I first examine its role in the second Critique’s Dialectic. I then point out that the standard interpretation, according to which the argument presupposes God’s intuitive grasp of the moral equivalence between the disposition to pursue holiness and its (...) attainment, faces a number of philosophical and textual problems. I offer an alternative reading that avoids these problems. In particular, I stress the importance of Kant’s mathematized conception of the relationship between infinite progress towards an ideal goal and its attainment and argue that appealing to this conception allows Kant to meet a well-known criticism that his proof illegitimately substitutes the endless progress towards holiness for holiness itself. (shrink)

There exists a standard view of Kant’s position on global order and this view informs much of current Kantian political theory. This standard view is that Kant advocates a voluntary league of states and rejects the ideal of a federative state of states as dangerous, unrealistic, and conceptually incoherent. This standard interpretation is usually thought to fall victim to three equally standard objections. In this essay, I argue that the standard interpretation is mistaken and that the three standard objections miss (...) their target. Kant does advocate the establishment of a non-coercive league of states, at least in his mature political writings (such as Perpetual Peace and the Metaphysics of Morals), but he does so for different reasons than is usually thought and without rejecting the ideal that a world federation of states eventually be realized. I end by indicating how Kant’s revised view can be made productive for present-day philosophical purposes. (shrink)

In the last thirty years of his life Kant was preoccupied with the question of whether or not the "signs of progress" could be elicited from the vale of tears of the historical process. In what follows I am interested in the question of what kind of meaning Kant's historico-philosophical hypothesis of progress can have for us today. In order to provide an answer to this question, I make a distinction between system-conforming and system-bursting, or unorthodox, versions of historical progress. (...) This distinction is made in order to show that only system-bursting versions of progress can prompt us to confer contemporary meaning on Kant's philosophy of history as a learning process that is conflict ridden and without illusions. (shrink)

The following article aims to consider the problem of the empirical consummation of the teleological programme of practical reason in Kant. In other words, it highlights the question about the possibility of achieving the final end in the world. Nature is the domain of mechanical causality, but also of free causality and the highest good. Specifically, I will focus on the field of Kantian philosophy of history, examining it with regard to the possibility of biological evolution and the possibility of (...) moral evolution of humankind. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to show how concern with agency, expressed in the idea that history is the doing of agents, shapes both Kant’s and Hegel’s conceptions of history and, by extension, the roles they accord philosophical historiography.

Este trabalho analisa o conceito de esperança nas obras de Condorcet e Kant. Defende-se que o conceito de esperança no progresso da humanidade é de fundamental importância para a compreensão da filosofia política de ambos os autores. Por um lado, esperança oferece um horizonte de sentido que protege suas propostas políticas de visões de mundo antagônicas; por outro, ela se incorpora no próprio projeto político tendo ao mesmo tempo a função de motivação e de criação de instituições políticas com caráter (...) pedagógico. This paper analyses the concept of hope in the works of Condorcet and Kant. It will be advocated that the concept of hope in the progress of humanity is of great importance for the comprehension of the political philosophy of both authors. On the one hand, hope gives a horizon of meaning to political philosophy that protects it against antagonistic world views. On the other hand, hope is incorporated into the political philosophy itself having, at once, a motivational function and creation of political institutions with a pedagogical character, as well. (shrink)

In Between Facts and Norms, Jürgen Habermas points out an ambiguity in the Kantian concept of autonomy that would lead to an antagonism between human rights and popular sovereignty. He charges Kant of introducing this concept from the private point of view of the individual subject who judges morally and of elucidating it from the point of view of the discursive and democratic political formation of the will. Against this reading, Ingeborg Maus argues that Kant develops human rights and popular (...) sovereignty in the closest reciprocal complementarity. Nonetheless, she agrees with Habermas’s critique of the monological character of the Kantian principle of morality and reaffirms the ambiguity of the concept of autonomy. The aim of this article is to to shed light on Kant’s conceptions of Enlightenment and “public use of reason” developed in his political writings, in order to suggest that far from devaluating the political formation of the will, Kant establishes it as a fundamental step towards the realization of morality and, therefore, of the autonomy of the will. First, I will argue that in explaining the principle of autonomy with the idea of self-legislation of the will, Kant does not introduce ambiguity in this concept. On the contrary, it establishes a common normative structure between the domains of moral and right. Finally, I will return to the Doctrine of Right to argue that for Kant, interaction and communication between citizens is not lateral to the legitimation of right, since the members of the political community must consent and be convinced by reason. (shrink)

Im ersten Teil des Anhangs zur Transzendentalen Dialektik entwickelt Kant einen Übergang zwischen dem logischen Gebrauch der Vernunft und den transzendentalen Prinzipien der Vernunft. Basierend auf methodologischen Überlegungen zur Chemie, zur physiologischen Anthropologie und zur Entwicklungsgeschichte astronomischer Grundannahmen versucht Kant, diese Prinzipien in ihrem transzendentalen Status zu rechtfertigen und ihre Kompatibilität mit anderen Teilen der Kritik der reinen Vernunft nachzuweisen. Ausgehend von diesen wissenschaftstheoretischen Beispielen wird für eine heuristisch- pragmatische Rechtfertigung der transzendentalen Prinzipien der Vernunft und eine ideelle Funktion der (...) durch diese Prinzipien gewonnenen Ideen argumentiert. Dabei lässt sich die enge Verbindung zwischen den transzendentalen Prinzipien des ersten Teils des Anhangs zur Transzendentalen Dialektik und Kants Konzept der rationalen Naturwissenschaft in den Metaphysischen Anfangsgründen der Naturwissenschaft nachweisen. (shrink)

La tesis principal de este trabajo es que el principio con el que Kant comprende el origen de la cultura o de la historia humana en la tesis cuarta de I dea de una historia universal desde el punto de vista cosmopolita, la insociable sociabilidad, no implica “conceptualmente” el mal moral. Defiendo así, contra una larga tradición de lectura que sostiene lo contrario, que la cultura es producto de dos disposiciones diferentes de la especie humana que son originarias e independientes (...) de su carácter moral y, por lo tanto, también son independientes de su propensión inmoral. Esto significa, específicamente, que si hubiera unos seres racionales que fueran como nosotros, sociables e insociables, pero que no tuvieran noticia, a diferencia de nosotros, de la ley moral, esto es, que fueran moralmente inocentes, producirían, sin embargo, cultura. Como tesis secundarias muestro que se pueden establecer otras relaciones de implicación entre los conceptos de insociable sociabilidad y mal moral: por un lado, inversamente, el mal moral puede implicar “conceptualmente” la insociable sociabilidad; por otro lado, este último principio implica “contingentemente” el mal moral cuando es referido a la especie humana. (shrink)

Social agreements, roughly put, are a focused and actual variant of social contracts. They are focused on the agreement of parties to co-operate and they pertain to basic aspects of living and living together; however, not comprehensively but focused on a specific theme or themes such as sanitation, water supply or energy provisions. Unlike hypothetical social contracts, social agreements can be empirically studied. So what is their implication for hypothetical social contract, and beyond that for justice and sustainability? This paper (...) introduces social agreement via a case study of social agreement in watershed development in an arid zone with low-income farmers. Watershed development in this context seeks to restore degraded land and simultaneously local democratic institutions. It is an ecological and social investment with medium-term and long-term benefits, i.e. for both present and future generations. Social agreement makes us rethink some issues in the theory and practice of justice and sustainability: how we frame the relation of generations in intergenerational saving, how we think about stability beyond the nation state, and how agreement is a dynamic process that creates the space for the capabilities required to support it in a just and sustainable way. On the global level, social agreement is a possibility for the affluent to discharge their responsibility via investments in such agreements. (shrink)