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  1. Can We Help Addicts Become more Autonomous? Inside the Mind of An Addict.Merle Spriggs - 2003 - Bioethics 17 (5-6):542-554.
    ABSTRACT I examine the impact of addiction on autonomy in terms of the standard literature on addiction – referred to also as ‘substance dependence.’1 Then in terms of the criteria for substance dependence, by developing a set of practical strategies to help people with addictions think more clearly, I test the idea whether addicts can be helped to become more autonomous. Given that unsuccessful attempts to quit constitute part of the criteria of substance dependence, I look at what goes wrong (...)
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  • Justice, deviance, and the dark ghetto.Tommie Shelby - 2007 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 35 (2):126–160.
  • Prescribing cannabis: freedom, autonomy, and values.M. Hayry - 2004 - Journal of Medical Ethics 30 (4):333-336.
    In many Western jurisdictions cannabis, unlike most other psychoactive drugs, cannot be prescribed to patients even in cases where medical professionals believe that it would ease the patient’s pain or anxiety. The reasons for this prohibition are mostly ideological, although medical and moral arguments have been formulated to support it. In this paper, it is argued that freedom, properly understood, provides a sound ethical reason to allow the use of cannabis in medicine. Scientific facts, appeals to harm and autonomy, and (...)
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  • Moral Subversion and Structural Entrapment.Jeffrey W. Howard - 2016 - Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (1):24-46.
  • The Centralized-Use Compromise on Recreational Drug Policy.Jeffrey Glick - 2014 - Res Publica 20 (4):359-376.
    The current debate on recreational drug policy is roughly a contest between prohibition advocates and legalization advocates. This paper offers a third alternative that is a compromise between those two. The centralized-use compromise can secure the autonomy interests that are important to defenders of legalization, and it can prevent harms to others that are the focus of prohibition arguments. The centralized-use compromise also offers a possible way to reduce the black market while also reducing the rate of addiction and the (...)
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  • A Normatively Neutral Definition of Paternalism.Emma C. Bullock - 2015 - Philosophical Quarterly 65 (258):1-21.
    In this paper, I argue that a definition of paternalism must meet certain methodological constraints. Given the failings of descriptivist and normatively charged definitions of paternalism, I argue that we have good reason to pursue a normatively neutral definition. Archard's 1990 definition is one such account. It is for this reason that I return to Archard's account with a critical eye. I argue that Archard's account is extensionally inadequate, failing to capture some cases which are clear instances of paternalism. I (...)
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  • Two Types of Liberal Perfectionism.Francesco Biondo - 2005 - Ratio Juris 18 (4):519-535.
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  • Political Chemicals: Drugs, Rights, and the Good Life.Benjamin Goldstein - unknown
    Recreational drug use, whether publicly acknowledged or privately hidden, has long been a common activity within human societies. Though this comes with serious hazards, it also produces benefits, which often go unrecognized. Given the current prohibitory policies, it is important to consider whether such use ought to be restricted. I will do just that, focusing on whether recreational drug use can be part of a reasonable conception of the good life, as well as whether restrictions constitute an infringement on freedom. (...)
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  • Justice and human good Philosophy 224 Gerald Doppelt and Richard Arneson spring, 2002 wednesdays 2:30-5:20 in the Phil dept seminar room, hss 7077. [REVIEW]Richard Arneson - manuscript
    Contemporary theories of justice frequently suppose that a legitimate state does not coerce people to comply with values or principles that they could reasonably reject. This ideal of legitimacy is thought to imply neutrality on the good: The State should not coerce people to comply with controversial conceptions of the good (which people could reasonably reject). As Ronald Dworkin puts the point, the government's policies should “be neutral on the question of the good life, or of what gives value to (...)
     
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