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Machiavelli in hell

Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press (1989)

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  1. Civic nationalism: Oxymoron?Nicholas Xenos - 1996 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 10 (2):213-231.
    Recent attempts to distinguish a normatively acceptable “civic nationalism"—as distinct from an irrationally tainted “ethnic nationalism"—have failed to take seriously the implications of the transition from the city as the immediate spatial unit of the patria to the more abstract national state that replaced it. The nation‐state has required a mythologizing naturalism to legitimate it, thus blurring the distinction between “civic” and “ethnic.” The urban political experience of the patria is lost to us; cosmopolitan intellectuals should resist the comforting temptation (...)
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  • Citizens, Leaders and the Common Good in a world of Necessity and Scarcity: Machiavelli’s Lessons for Community-Based Natural Resource Management.Kristof Van Assche, Raoul Beunen & Martijn Duineveld - 2016 - Ethics, Policy and Environment 19 (1):19-36.
    In this article we investigate the value and utility of Machiavelli’s work for Community-Based Natural Resource Management. We made a selection of five topics derived from literature on NRM and CBNRM: Law and Policy, Justice, Participation, Transparency, and Leadership and management. We use Machiavelli’s work to analyze these topics and embed the results in a narrative intended to lead into the final conclusions, where the overarching theme of natural resource management for the common good is considered. Machiavelli’s focus on practical (...)
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  • Conservative Roots of Republicanism.Manjeet Ramgotra - 2014 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 61 (139):22-49.
  • Bioethics and politics: "Doing ethics" in the public square.Edmund D. Pellegrino - 2006 - Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 31 (6):569 – 584.
    “Hence it is necessary for a Prince wishing to hold his own to know how to do wrong and to make use of it according to necessity.”—Machiavelli“Every state is a community of some kind and every community is established with a view to some good…”—Aristotle.
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  • Machiavelli and the liberalism of fear.Thomas Osborne - 2017 - History of the Human Sciences 30 (5):68-85.
    This article revisits the long-standing question of the relations between ethics and politics in Machiavelli’s work, assessing its relevance to the ‘liberalism of fear’ in particular in the work of Judith Shklar, Bernard Williams and also John Dunn. The article considers ways in which Machiavelli has been a ‘negative’ resource for liberalism – for instance, as a presumed proponent of tyranny; but also ways in which even for the liberalism of fear he might be considered a ‘positive’ resource, above all (...)
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  • Machiavelli and the Global Compass: Ends and Means in Ethics and Leadership. [REVIEW]Phil Harris - 2010 - Journal of Business Ethics 93 (S1):131 - 138.
    This article discusses the perpetual debate on the Florentine, Niccolo Machiavelli's ethical values and leadership ideas and the consequent creation of the mythical reputation and negative epithet 'Machiavellian'. This article proposes recommendations on how Machiavelli's thought and his study can best be applied to bring genuine clarity and value to organisations in these interesting and turbulent times providing a hopefully viable compass for a changing landscape.
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  • The Metabolism of the State.Sean Erwin - 2015 - Epoché: A Journal for the History of Philosophy 20 (1):81-104.
    At Discorsi II.20, Machiavelli defines auxiliary arms as those, “whom a prince or a republic send captained and already paid for, for your aid.” My contention is that Machiavelli’s treatment of auxiliary arms is much more nuanced than it may seem at first glance. Throughout his works, Machiavelli articulates this type of force from the standpoint of the prince but also, surprisingly, from the standpoint of the people. In their princely employment, auxiliary arms act instrumentally as means for the projection (...)
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  • Ticking Bombs and Interrogations.Claudia Card - 2008 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 2 (1):1-15.
    Torture is like slavery (and unlike murder and genocide) in that it is not inconceivable that torture might be justifiable. But the circumstances that would make it tolerable are unrealistic in philosophically interesting ways. It is unrealistic to think we can predict when torture will be effective and containable; unwarranted to suppose that humane alternatives are impossible; disastrous to remove motivations to create alternatives; unacceptable to be satisfied with available evidence regarding suspects’ identity, knowledge of critical detail, ability to recall (...)
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  • Niccolò Machiavelli.Cary Nederman - 2008 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.