Voltaire

Il s'agit d'ajouter un chapitre à l'histoire du pyrrhonisme. Au xviiie siècle, et sous la pression des critiques de Diderot qui tente de fonder la métaphysique matérialiste sur les « preuves expérimentales », Voltaire est obligé de trancher entre les deux définitions de l'épochè qui sont énoncées par Sextus Empiricus et conservées par Montaigne : le sage sceptique ne peut plus affirmer sa liberté par une suspension passive du jugement, mais il se livre à une enquête active, afin de démontrer (...) que la physique newtonienne se laisse aussi bien interpréter en un sens déiste et finaliste qu'en un sens matérialiste et athée. The purpose is to add a chapter to the story of pyrrhonism. During the XVIIIth century, and under the pressure of the criticisms of Diderot who tries to found the materialist metaphysics on the « experimental proofs », Voltaire is forced to choose between the two definitions of épochè which Sextus Empiricus and Montaigne asserted: the sceptical philosopher may no more affirm his freedom by passively suspending his opinion, but he conducts an active inquiry, and he demonstrates that the newtonian physics can be understood as a deist and finalist philosophy, or as a materialist and atheist one. (shrink)

Du Châtelet holds that mathematical representations play an explanatory role in natural science. Moreover, she writes that things proceed in nature as they do in geometry. How should we square these assertions with Du Châtelet’s idealism about mathematical objects, on which they are ‘fictions’ dependent on acts of abstraction? The question is especially pressing because some of her important interlocutors (Wolff, Maupertuis, and Voltaire) denied that mathematics informs us about the properties of material things. After situating Du Châtelet in this (...) debate, this chapter argues, first, that her account of the origins of mathematical objects is less subjectivist than it might seem. Mathematical objects are non-arbitrary, public entities. While mathematical objects are partly mind-dependent, so are material things. Mathematical objects can approximate the material. Second, it is argued that this moderate metaphysical position underlies Du Châtelet’s persistent claims that mathematics is required for certain kinds of general knowledge, including in natural science. The chapter concludes with an illustrative example: an analysis of Du Châtelet’s argument that matter is continuous. A key premise in the argument is that mathematical representations and material nature correspond. (shrink)

This essay argues that the concept of ‘racial capitalism’ can help us understand the connections between seemingly disparate parts of Voltaire’s extensive corpus of work. It contends that even though the Enlightenment’s racial politics abounded with contradictions and ambivalences, Voltaire stood out from his contemporaries. While the connections between his polygenism – the theory that humans of different races were created separately – and material investments in colonial commerce have long been debated by radical historians, this essay suggests that Voltaire’s (...) views about race’s relationship to labour were transformed by France’s colonial losses during the Seven Years’ War. (shrink)

There is a growing consensus that Emilie Du Châtelet’s challenging essay “On Freedom” defends compatibilism. I offer an alternative, libertarian reading of the essay. I lay out the prima facie textual evidence for such a reading. I also explain how apparently compatibilist remarks in “On Freedom” can be read as aspects of a sophisticated type of libertarianism that rejects blind or arbitrary choice. To this end, I consider the historical context of Du Châtelet’s essay, and especially the dialectic between various (...) strands of eighteenth-century libertarianism and compatibilism. (shrink)

This article sets forth Voltaire’s philosophy of liberty. Contrary to generally accepted readings, which take Voltaire at face value rather than considering the environment in which he wrote, Voltaire had a clear normative political thought. He was an early proponent of rule of law, ordered liberty, freedom of conscience and expression, and the right to prudent rebellion against tyranny. At the root of his political theory lay a rejection of slavery, and hence of all forms of subjugation.

The history of Christianity was a prevalent subject among 18th century philosophers. This article presents a historical perspective of the relationship between Christianity and power based on a comparative analysis of the ideas of Voltaire and Rousseau. Bibliographic research was undertaken using a philosophical approach to their works. This study examines Voltaire’s inquiry into Jesus Christ as a historical figure and a“genealogy” of Christianity in three of his works: Tumbeau du fanatisme(1736), Traité sur la tolérance(1763), and Catéchisme de l'honnête homme (...) (1763). Regarding Rousseau, this study interprets his historical approach to the connections between Christianity and politics based on the following works: Sur la Réponse qui a été faite à son Discours(1751), the chapter entitled “Civil Religion” in Du Contract social(1762), and Lettres écrites de la montagne(1764). Not only do the findings of this inquiry reveal the similarities and differences between the thoughts of Voltaire and Rousseau and the historical tensions between Christianity and power, the findings also point toward a fundamental defense of a secular state. (shrink)

There is a fundamental flaw in the Eurocentric epistemological foundation. Counter to the overwhelming ethos of the Enlightenment this epistemological bedrock shockingly does not seem to be an epistemology of the human being, but only of the white human being. I, as Western scholar, have to relativize my epistemological heritage, because it does not take into account the diversity of the human being. I will briefly explore the racist views of Voltaire, Hume and Kant and I will argue that Western (...) philosophy needs to (re)analyze its epistemological tradition with regards to the way the racist views of its protagonists corrupted their philosophical work. I suggest contextualization of the philosophical tradition and its desuperiorisation in order to foster ethical philosophical dialogue amongst global scholars. (shrink)

Jonathan I. Israel claims that Christian ‘controversialists’ endeavoured first to obscure or efface Spinozism, materialism, and non-authoritarian free thought, and then, in the early eighteenth century, to fight these openly, and desperately. Israel appears to have adopted the view of enlightenment as a battle against what Voltaire has called ‘l’infâme’, and David Hume has labelled ‘stupidity, Christianity, and ignorance’. These authors’ barbs were launched later in the century, however, in the period of the high Enlightenment, following polarizing controversies of mid-century. (...) This chapter argues that many Enlightenment figures, including Hume and Voltaire, were far more involved within a culture in the second quarter of the century that was less divided against Christian interlocutors, less rigid, and more complex than these two wished to suggest, in retrospect, after mid-century. A Christian literary and scientific circle was productive and prominent in French Enlightenment culture, particularly in the personages of François Prévost, Pierre Desfontaines, Samuel Formey and Noël Pluche, and in the pages of ubiquitous journals and occasional publications. Many of the Catholics among these lumières held the education and retained the status of ‘abbé’, a title with prophylactic properties that legitimated expansive inquiry – into topics such as libertinism and atheism – and facilitated in-print exchanges with Voltaire and other less orthodox figures. This wing of the Enlightenment developed a culture that reflected, and sometimes promoted, Christian theology – especially in the tradition of natural theology – and displayed broadly Christian and politically conservative values. The latter aspect served in part to motivate concerted efforts toward their marginalization by others, but the French Enlightenment of the eighteenth century’s second quarter was actually very mixed, and not so very radical; rather, it became polarized at mid-century, and in retrospect, the Christians of this wing were written out of the history by the likes of Voltaire and Hume. (shrink)

The aim of the article is to demonstrate that the contact between European philosophy and Chinese culture in the 17 th and 18 th centuries had an influence on the emergence and development of secularism, which became a distinctive feature of the Western Enlightenment. In the first part, I examine in what way knowledge of the history of China and the Confucian ethics contested the Biblical chronology and undermined faith as a prerequisite for morality. Subsequently, I analyze the attempts to (...) refute these allegations, reinterpreting Confucianism as crypto-monotheism. In the third part, I will show how the debate on Chinese culture has contributed to the birth of the secular philosophy of history, which put an end to the Enlightenment Sinophilia. In conclusion, I will present the main limitations of the thesis about the influence of Chinese thought on the birth of secularism. (shrink)

This article reminds the reader of the views of Voltaire, one of the most prominent and influential philosophers of the Age of Enlightenment. Voltaire’s radicalism manifested itself mainly in anticlericalism which was consistent, uncompromising and voiced without mincing words. A general aim of this article is to demonstrate to his contemporary imitators, who can be found in different countries including Poland, that they are in fact more or less accurate copies of him and they are not always aware of whom (...) they imitate and what value this imitation has. Perhaps this article can make them, if not more restrained in their statements and practical actions, at least more self-critical and taking into account what is expressed in public discourse. (shrink)

Voltaire teve um importante papel na disseminação do newtonianismo no continente europeu. Mas também ele foi responsável pela tentativa mais direta de estender a autoridade de Newton a outros temas filosóficos, além daqueles relativos à matemática e à física. O livro La Métahysique de Newton , publicado em 1740, é uma prova disso. Neste artigo, o livro de Voltaire é analisado a partir do contexto das polêmicas entre partidários de Newton e de Leibniz. Procura-se identificar nexos entre o projeto esboçado (...) no La Métaphysique e as especulações de Hume e de Kant sobre os problemas metafísicos da teoria newtoniana da gravitação universal. (shrink)

O presente artigo visa explorar as ricas relações entre Voltaire e Genebra, destacando as questões e o contexto que formam a obra Ideias republicanas e seu combate pela tolerância.

The present article intends at shedding some light on how Voltaire's Candide enacts its criticism of the Leibnizian system. In order to do that, we shall follow different paths. Firstly, we will consider a brief history of the problem of evil, especially the Bayle and Leibniz debate on it. Secondly, we shall briefly refer to Voltaire's metaphysics of evil. The almost forty years he dedicated to the question are not monotonous, they are constituted of variations, approximations and criticisms on both (...) Alexander Pope and Leibniz. Thirdly, we shall consider some examples of caricatures of Leibniz's philosophy in Candide in order to show that they bear real criticism on the philosophical optimism. (shrink)

As críticas de Newton e Voltaire endereçadas à negação do vazio por parte de Descartes compartilham uma estrutura básica: ambos parecem concordar que tal tese cartesiana conduz a implicações indesejáveis tanto no campo da mecânica, quanto no que diz respeito à teologia. Entretanto, embora Newton admita as implicações teológicas da negação do vazio, elas não constituem o fim último de sua crítica, o que parece ocorrer na crítica de Voltaire. Ao contrário, os argumentos newtonianos para assumir o vazioencontram na mecânica (...) não apenas um campo de prova; eles constituem uma parte importante da fundamentação de um dos pilares do newtonianismo: o espaço absoluto. (shrink)

Voltaire's militancy in favor of religious toleration is well-known. But he seems to be concerned by its practical results, the rehabilitation of those religiously persecuted, rather than by the theorectical reasonings to convince his opponents. That can be seen in the few importance given to argumentation in the Traité sur la tolerance , mostly composed by historical examples of violence caused by religious fanaticism. However, in Voltaire we find real philosophical reflection on tolerance, but the author finds it inneficient to (...) convince his contemporaries, who are more inclined to accept the presentation of matters of fact rather than the discussion of matters of right. But Voltaire does not limit his comments to facts, he knows that philosophy and law have something to say about tolerance, and that theory influences on and is influenced by practices. So that Voltaire's reflections on tolerance are not limited only to practical positions adopted to defend some individuals from religious persecution, his positions have to be understood also at its theorectical level, for at this level he is also original and gives no concessions, which separates him from his English masters such as John Locke. (shrink)

Summary In about 1735, Emilie Du Châtelet began to translate Mandeville's Fable of the Bees. Her work, which is largely ignored by scholars, did, as this article demonstrates, turn out to be one of transformation rather than of translation and came at a crucial moment in the emerging French luxury debate. So far commercial society and luxury had been defended in purely economic terms, for instance in Melon's Essai politique, or as an aspect of divine providence for fallen man, by (...) Pierre Nicole amongst others. There was as yet no coherent defence on the level of secular ethics. As this article shows, Du Châtelet set out to remedy this. In co-operation with Voltaire, with whose recent praise of English society in the Lettres philosophiques she strongly identified, she rewrote the Fable to offer a defence of modern commercial society as both natural and moral. The article argues that she was able to do so by taking recourse to classic Epicureanism in the guise of Lucretius' De rerum natura, as an alternative to the Neo-Epicureanism, with its Augustinian overtones, as espoused by Mandeville. Voltaire in turn used her translation to lay the foundations for his defence of commercial society and progress in his Traité de métaphysique in which he uses the precise passages she had inserted into Mandeville's original. This article analyses the further aspects Voltaire adds to her arguments. Taken together, Du Châtelet's ?translation? and Voltaire's Traité offer a coherent defence of bourgeois society that would underlie Voltaire's later historiographical and philosophical works and which were crucial to his concept of ?Enlightenment? and ?progress? (shrink)

A ideia que avançamos aqui é que Voltaire é de pleno direito o inventor ou um dos inventores privilegiados do conceito de "tempos modernos" ou de uma nova atitude do filósofo face ao presente, compreendido como acontecimento no sentido de ruptura com "a craca e a ferrugem dos séculos" que ainda continuam a pesar sobre os espíritos. Segue-se este paradoxo: o acontecimento da modernidade é ao mesmo tempo um presente efetivo e um simples "crepúsculo" para o advento das Luzes.

L'économie politique, qui ose se constituer en science vers le milieu du XVIIIe siècle, n'a cessé de passionner Voltaire. S'il n'est pas un théoricien de l'économie, il en est un observateur attentif et critique, et un acteur même de l'économie pratique: financier avisé, il construit, au fil de sa longue vie, l'une des grandes fortunes du royaume. Patrick Neiertz présente ici la première étude d'ensemble des idées économiques de Voltaire en analysant l'application expérimentale qu'il fait des théories de son temps (...) (Melon, Quesnay, Turgot, Adam Smith...) dans sa propre pratique de consommateur, de gestionnaire de ses biens, enfin, d'entrepreneur. Se font jour les réactions du patriarche de Ferney aux conceptualisations économiques en formation: sur les finances publiques, sur la consommation des biens superflus, sur l'agriculture, sur l'avenir de l'industrie, sur la liberté du commerce. Il entretient auprès de ses correspondants ou lecteurs ce flux d'influence à sa manière d'écrivain, faite d'érudition et d'ironie, et à sa manière d'intellectuel engagé, en faveur de la liberté de faire comme de dire. Les idées de Voltaire sur la dette publique, sur l'assiette fiscale, sur le plein emploi, et sur le rôle de l'Etat ont une singulière modernité au siècle actuel. Son autorité n'est pas seulement celle d'un philosophe des Lumières. Elle est aussi celle d'un praticien de l'économie appliquée, 'chose qui n'est pas ordinaire aux gens de lettres'. (shrink)

Tudo se passa como se a escrita filosófica de Voltaire se desenvolvesse em uma dupla oposição: de um lado, ela visa denunciar o palavrório dos fazedores de sistemas e a cacofonia a que ele conduz, opondo-lhes a prudência e a modéstia; de outro, ela pretende restaurar, contra a tentação cética, o direito à busca da verdade. Em Voltaire, o discurso filosófico nasce desta tensão, do desejo de dizer o mundo e da vontade de se calar, tensão que a escolha do (...) diálogo tem por função explicitar, dramatizando-a. Perguntamo-nos, então, sobre o lugar e o estatuto da filosofia nos Diálogos . Conteúdo ou continente, conjunto de temas ou modalidade discursiva, a filosofia não está tranquila nesses textos, ela aparece em muitos aspectos como uma exigência problemática. (shrink)

Meu intuito é tecer algumas considerações sobre a descoberta e relação de Voltaire com o newtonianismo, e a partir daí refletir de maneira mais geral sobre as possibilidades da aproximação entre filosofia e ciência.

Trata-se aqui de interpretar algumas passagens do Cândido no quadro das linhas de força do iluminismo francês, que dizem respeito ao modo de conceber a atividade do filósofo, orientado pela oposição entre as figuras do "filósofo de gabinete" e o "filósofo mundano." Do meu ponto de vista, esta oposição não encerra tão somente uma tomada de posição sobre a natureza da ação do filósofo, mas diz respeito mesmo a uma concepção do que é a "boa filosofia." Ao mesmo tempo, permitirá (...) uma interpretação da famosa metáfora do jardim do final do Cândido à luz da concepção voltaireana da história. (shrink)

'What can you say to a man who tells you he prefers obeying God rather than men, and that as a result he's certain he'll go to heaven if he cuts your throat?'Voltaire's Pocket Philosophical Dictionary, first published in 1764, is a major work of the European Enlightenment. It is also a highly entertaining book: this is no 'dictionary' in the ordinary sense, nor does it treat 'philosophy' in the modern meaning of the term. It consists of a sequence of (...) short essays or articles, arranged in alphabetical order, and covering everything from Apocalypse and Atheism to Tolerance and Tyranny. The unifying thread of these articles is Voltaire's critique of established religion: ridicule of established dogma, attacks on superstition, and pleas for toleration. Witty and ironic, this is very much a work of combat, part of Voltaire's high-profile political struggle in the 1760s to defend the victims of religious and political intolerance. This new translation is based on the definitive French text, and reprints the edition that provoked widespread controversy and condemnation. In his Introduction Nicholas Cronk considers the work's continuing relevance to modern debates about religious intolerance and its consequences. (shrink)

O presente texto visa avaliar o estatuto da revolução a partir da obra de dois filósofos franceses, por assim dizer, que empenharam parte considerável de seu trabalho na investigação sobre a história: Voltaire e Jean Bodin. Nossa intenção é entender a relação entre as noções de transformações, revolução e guerra, conflitos, tumultos. Não pretendemos estabelecer uma comparação rígida, porque anacrônica, entre as obras desses filósofos que trabalharam sobre a história. O que intentamos aqui é investigar algumas linhas de força de (...) seus argumentos que visam explicar as revoluções, suas origens e consequências para mostrar como a articulação entre esses elementos possibilita a Voltaire e a Bodin que realizem o que chamaremos de desmistificação de aspectos pertinentes tanto à filosofia quanto à história. Trata-se ainda de mostra em que medida Bodin e Voltaire divergem e se encontram no que tange ao tratamento filosófico desses temas. This paper aims at evaluating the status of the idea of revolution presented by Voltaire and Bodin. Both philosophers' works are mostly directed to the investigation of history. The purpose of this paper is to understand the connection between the ideas of change, revolution, war, turmoil and conflicts. There is no intention of establishing a strict comparison between the two works, as for that would be anachronistic. On the contrary, this paper intends to investigate some of the main arguments used by both authors to explain the revolutions, its origins and consequences, to show how the articulation between those elements enables them to demystify relevant aspects present in both history and philosophy. Finally, it also aims at pointing at the extent to which the authors diverge and converge in their philosophical approach to the referred themes. (shrink)

O presente texto procura entender as razões que levaram o filósofo e crítico escocês Hugh Blair a tomar Voltaire como um modelo para o historiador moderno. Inicia-se o estudo com uma breve exposição de alguns elementos da concepção de história no pensamento voltairiano e então se passa à consideração que o autor britânico faz deles. The present text aims to understand the reasons that took the Scottish philosopher and critic Hugh Blair to take Voltaire as a model to the modern (...) historian. This study begins with a brief description of some elements of history conception according to Voltaire´s thinking and then the consideration that the British author makes of it. (shrink)

Pourquoi a-t-on souvent eu tendance a etudier chez Voltaire les notions de tolerance et de justice comme si c'etaient des entites distanciees ou parfois meme separables? Pourquoi n'a-t-on pas juge bon d'etudier le cheminement de sa pensee simultanement dans ces deux domaines qui etaient non seulement conjugues dans son esprit, mais aussi et surtout dont le contenu etait en perpetuel devenir? Pourquoi a-t-on privilegie l'etude de son action en faveur de certaines causes celebres au detriment, parfois total, de celles - (...) evidemment beaucoup moins illustres - qu'on n'evoque que peu souvent, sinon jamais? Pourquoi enfin, dans le contexte global de la carriere de ce champion de la tolerance et de la justice, le lecteur doit-il se contenter d'une mosaique incomplete, peu apte a faire apprecier la complexite de sa philosophie? La reponse a ces questions est sans doute simple: c'est que le canon litteraire accessible, plutot limite, ne faisait constamment favoriser, jusqu'il y a une vingtaine d'annees, que des vues d'ensemble partielles et guere changeantes. C'est la parution progressive, depuis 1970, et l'essor vigoureux, depuis 1988, de la grande edition scientifique des OEuvres Completes, procuree par la Voltaire Foundation, qui invite au contraire a decouvrir un nombre considerable de textes meconnus ou carrement inconnus, qui sont desormais devenus incontournables si l'on veut redefinir l'action de Voltaire en tant que champion des opprimes. Ce volume donne un apercu des contours d'une future etude d'ensemble actuellement en cours d'elaboration. (shrink)

Voltaire has presented in his Letters on the English different themes, from religious ethics, literacy, politics, to dramas and science. The letters present us a comparison between England and France. In this parallel we shall present how Voltaire was concerned in evaluate a high standard of taste and refinements. This paper will review some of the last letters of those, which testify about this criterion of taste as a modern point of view. We shall present in Voltaire the eminence of (...) modernity in taste, refinements and on liberty of enjoying the ecstasies of a cosmopolitan life fulfilled with entertainments and luxury. We shall present how Voltaire fought against barbarism in benefit of civilization and some how against religiosity in benefit of an ethic hedonism. (shrink)

In his descriptions of this “world going round”, Voltaire touches upon the problem of evil, using mimesis and his trademark irony as tools. Scream, anxiety, and confusion over this “scandal for philosophers” are refl ected in his polemics with Leibniz. Th e spectacle of evil presents itself in Voltaire’s symbolic caricature of marionettes – in order to confront the ontological onus of evil with philosophical speculation. Th e mechanical descriptions, deformed characters, and grotesque juxtaposition of lucky and unlucky situations found (...) in his “obsessive metaphors” make up his “aesthetics of ugliness”, whose attractive quality seems to unravel some of Voltaire’s myth. His “obsessive metaphors” of evil and his style negating the reality, world, and man create a theatre of nihilism and hopelessness in which Voltaire co-suff ers with his actors. Th e tragic and the comic are wed in the oxymoron of irony – the mood of the spirit – under the mask of which Voltaire hides the secrets of his imagination. (shrink)

Selon l'expression de Lanson, les Lettres philosophiques sont «la première bombe lancée contre l'Ancien Régime». L'ouvrage connaît deux éditions: une édition anglaise et une édition française, qui comporte une vingt-cinquième lettre «Sur les Pensées de M. Pascal». Les Lettres anglaises sont devenues philosophiques: elle sont aussi immédiatement condamnées.On trouvera ici le texte de cette édition, accompagné d'un choix de variantes et d'un ensemble d'esquisses et d'avant-textes. Surtout, la présente édition fait le pari de montrer la cohérence de l'ouvrage à la (...) suite de l'adjonction de l'anti-Pascal. (shrink)

Voltaire’s classic novel Candide relates the misadventures of a young optimist who leaves his sheltered childhood to find his way in a cruel and irrational world. Fast-paced and full of dark humor, the novel mocks the suggestion that “all is well” and challenges us to create a better world. This Broadview Edition follows the text of a 1759 English translation that was released concurrently with Voltaire's first French edition. Candide is supplemented by Voltaire's most important poetic and humanistic writings on (...) God and evil, the Poem upon the Destruction of Lisbon and We Must Take Sides. The editor's introduction situates the novel in its philosophical and intellectual setting; the appendices include other writings by Voltaire, as well as related writings by Bayle, Leibniz, Pope, Rousseau, and others that place the work in its poetic, philosophical, and humanistic contexts. (shrink)

Candide is the most famous of Voltaire's 'philosophical tales', in which he combined witty improbabilities with the sanest of good sense. This edition includes four other prose tales - Micromegas, Zadig, The Ingnu, and The White Bull - and a verse tale based on Chaucer's The Wife of Bath's Tale,: What Pleases the Ladies.

In Voltaire's work, Candide, a young, naïve man, who has been taught that humans live in the best of all possible worlds, is thrust into the world only to find that this may not be so. He learns over time to balance his optimism with the skepticism he acquires through experience. While today's medical students are not naïve like the character Candide, they, nonetheless, carry an impression of the ideal medical practice, along with the expectation of a successful medical practice. (...) Good mentors and role models are important to students in order to temper their optimism, control their skepticism, and to help them to be realistic, not only about their expectations of medical practice, but what society expects of them. (shrink)

This essay analyzes a shift in racialized regimes of visual signification in French metropolitan culture during the long eighteenth century. The author explores two symbolically central figures—the dismembered black slave and the black rapist/lover who is “duly punished”—by undertaking an intertextual reading of two sets of illustrations of Voltaire's Candide (1759) designed by Moreau le Jeune. Separated by the French and Haitian Revolutions, Moreau's two sets of Candide illustrations (1787 and 1803) register an important shift in the French cultural imaginary. (...) The figure of the maimed black male slave was put directly in circulation in French visual culture during the eighteenth century. In contrast, interracial sexuality remained “unrepresentable” in French visual culture throughout the century. By the time Haiti declared its independence (1804), this taboo was contravened by Moreau's metaphorical substitution of the figure of the monkey in 1803 to picture the black male as a bestial rapist. (shrink)

The world of Voltaire -- A life of wit and drama -- The wandering exile -- Voltaire's drama and poetry -- Interpreting history, understanding science -- The crusading philosopher -- The impact of Voltaire's work.

As imagens do maremoto do dia 26 de Dezembro de 2004 fazem-nos necessariamente perguntar: que podemos nós fazer perante catástrofes de tais dimensões? Como é possível tanto sofrimento? Para os filósofos do Iluminismo, o terramoto que assolou a cidade de Lisboa há 250 anos, no dia 1 de Novembro de 1755, foi também ocasião para reflectir sobre a condição humana e aprofundar a crença num Deus Omnipotente e Providente. Cassirer assinalou que a polémica mantida entre Rousseau e Voltaire contribuiu de (...) forma decisiva para a secularização do problema do mal. Voltaire no seu poema "Sobre o desastre de Lisboa" insistiu, tal como Job, na queixa e no protesto, no escândalo puro e duro perante a radicalidade do problema do mal, o qual, de forma alguma, o racionalismo leibniziano não alcançava compreender. Longe do optimismo que ele próprio tinha mantido noutros momentos, Voltaire adoptou um tom trágico por ele classificado de "paciente" diante das coisas que não podemos alterar. Por seu lado, Rousseau, o qual no dia 18 de Agosto de 1756 escreveu uma longa carta a Voltaire, quis sempre manter viva, apesar de tudo, a sua crença na Providência e extremou as res-ponsabilidades humanas que contribuem para acrescentar os efeitos das catástrofes. A opção de Rousseau foi deixar maior espaço para a esperança, tanto na vida futura, como nas possibilidades de a praxis humana construir um futuro melhor. Por ocasião do Terramoto de Lisboa, os dois filósofos viram-se obrigados a aprofundar as suas crenças e esforçaram-se por compreender a negatividade de uma realidade em que urgia converter a compaixão e os sentimentos humanitários naquilo a que hoje danamos o nome de solidariedade. /// The powerful images of the tsunami of the 26 th December 2004 make us raise the question: What can we do in the presence of disasters of such apocalyptic dimension? How is such a great suffering possible? For the philosophers of the Enlightenment, the earthquake that destroyed the city of Lisbon 250 years ago, on the 1 st of November 1755, was also occasion for a reflection on the human condition and for a deepening of the belief in a God that is omnipotent and provident. Cassirer noted that the polemics maintained between Rousseau and Voltaire was a major contribution for the secularization of the problem of evil. In his poem "On the disaster of Lisbon", Voltaire insisted, as another Job, in the complain and in the protest, in the scandal before the radicalism of the problem of evil, which the leibnizian rationalism was totally unable to understand. Far from the optimism that Voltaire himself had previously defended, he adopts now a tragic tone which he considered a manifestation of patience before the things which we are unable to change. On his part, Rousseau, who wrote a long letter to Voltaire on August 18th, 1756, wanted to preserve, regardless of all the objections, his belief in Providence and insisted on the role played by human responsibility in the worsening of the effects caused by the natural catastrophes. Rousseau wanted to leave greater room for hope, being it in future life as well as in the possibilities of the human praxis in order to build a better future for humankind. On the occasion of the Lisbon Earthquake, the two philosophers saw themselves obliged to a deepening of their mutual beliefs and to put up an effort in order to give account of a reality in which the greatest urgency was to convert compassion and the human feelings in a reality to which we would today give the name of solidarity. (shrink)

At present the basic intellectual aim of academic inquiry is to improve knowledge. Much of the structure, the whole character, of academic inquiry, in universities all over the world, is shaped by the adoption of this as the basic intellectual aim. But, judged from the standpoint of making a contribution to human welfare, academic inquiry of this type is damagingly irrational. Three of four of the most elementary rules of rational problem-solving are violated. A revolution in the aims and methods (...) of academic in-quiry is needed so that the basic aim becomes to promote wisdom, conceived of as the capacity to realize what is of value, for oneself and others, thus including knowledge and technological know-how, but much else besides. This urgently needed revolution would affect every branch and aspect of the academic enterprise. (shrink)

Scholars have associated the character of Pangloss in Voltaire’s Candide variously with the ideas of Gottfried Leibniz, Alexander Pope, and Christian Wolff. With them he is associated, but on whom is he modeled? Pangloss is the image of a French popularizer of science celebrated in his day but little noticed in ours: Noël Antoine Pluche (1688-1761), the author of a highly popular work, Le Spectacle de la Nature.

lecture 1. The patriarch, an overview -- lecture 2. The education of a philosophe -- lecture 3. Philosophical letters, part I -- lecture 4. Philosophical letters, part II -- lecture 5. The years at Cirey -- lecture 6. From optimism to humanism -- lecture 7. Voltaire and the "philosophical tale" -- lecture 8. Voltaire at Ferney -- lecture 9. Voltaire and God -- lecture 10. Voltaire and history -- lecture 11. Voltaire and toleration -- lecture 12. Apotheosis.