Rights and Poverty

The complexity approach to political economy suggests that radical uncertainty is a necessary feature of a complex and evolving socioeconomic landscape. Radical uncertainty raises various adaptive challenges that are likely to escalate in the coming decades under the “Fourth Industrial Revolution.” It jeopardizes the wellbeing of ordinary citizens, whose welfare prospects, job opportunities, and income stream are rendered insecure. It also renders precarious the robust implementation of universal human rights, including the right to social security. In fact, it will be (...) argued that human rights cannot be institutionally secured unless they are implemented in a “complexity aware” way that takes account of the uncertainty of the socioeconomic order. In particular, in order to better protect the dignity of rights holders, and to allow them to survive and thrive in the face of radical uncertainty, governments ought to explore various institutional alternatives to existing schemes. It will be suggested that most existing conditional welfare policies systematically fall short of complexity-aware institutional implementation to the extent that they rely on unreasonable assumptions regarding the availability of salient technocratic control over the complex socioeconomic order. Some economists and philosophers have suggested that UBI (Universal Basic Income) might be a viable way to implement the right to social security today. I propose that some of UBI’s most ethically and economically controversial features, such as unconditionality and universality, appear relatively appealing in light of the complexity perspective. In the absence of better alternatives, UBI might even be a requirement of a robust implementation of the human right to social security – a right that welfare states are already committed to on the level of ideal theory but predictably fail to respect in practice due to policy incoherence. However, open questions remain about whether UBI can be transformed from an ideal model into a pragmatic policy. (shrink)

Epistemology has taken a zetetic turn from the study of belief towards the study of inquiry. Several decades ago, theories of bounded rationality took a procedural turn from attitudes towards the processes of inquiry that produce them. What is the relationship between the zetetic and procedural turns? In this paper, I argue that we should treat the zetetic turn in epistemology as part of a broader procedural turn in the study of bounded rationality. I use this claim to motivate and (...) clarify the zetetic turn in epistemology, as well as to reveal the need for a second zetetic turn within practical philosophy. (shrink)

Este libro reúne una serie de contribuciones que abordan, desde distintas disciplinas y enfoques, el diseño, la implementación y la evaluación de las políticas de protección social en América Latina. Los capítulos son reformulaciones de los problemas y respuestas presentados en el Workshop Internacional “Protección social y pobreza: abordando la multidimensionalidad del problema”, llevado a cabo en mayo de 2024. Durante el evento, se presentaron estudios sobre el impacto de los programas de transferencia de ingresos en países del Cono Sur, (...) como Argentina, Uruguay, Brasil y México. La obra refleja la multidimensionalidad del problema, integrando análisis normativos, económicos y políticos, así como perspectivas etnográficas y jurídicas. A través del estudio de casos como el Programa Prospera (México), el Programa Bolsa Família (Brasil) y el programa Acompañamientos de Familia (Argentina), el libro ofrece una mirada crítica sobre los alcances y desafíos de estos programas en el contexto de la pobreza y la exclusión social en la región. A partir de estas experiencias, no solo se busca evaluar las políticas actuales, sino también reflexionar sobre estrategias futuras para enfrentar estos desafíos. (shrink)

Com uma história que ultrapassa cem anos, a ciência da mensuração da pobreza foi impulsionada pela necessidade de critérios mais sistemáticos para determinar tanto a extensão do fenômeno quanto aquelas pessoas com direito à assistência social. Discuto dois dos principais produtos dessa história: as linhas de pobreza e as abordagens para sua mensuração. As linhas separam as pessoas em pobreza ― aquelas cujo nível de carência está abaixo da linha ― daquelas fora dela ― aquelas cujo nível está acima. E (...) se pobreza é uma carência, nem todas as carências caracterizam pobreza. Não por acaso, cada abordagem se distingue por definir que tipo de carência faz da pobreza o que ela é. Aqui, apresento seis abordagens: monetária, subsistência, privação relativa, necessidades básicas, capacidades e direitos humanos. Mas entre pesquisadores, persiste a falta de consenso, seja sobre como traçar a linha de pobreza ou sobre qual abordagem é mais adequada. Relacionado a isso, concluo que diagnósticos sobre a pobreza de uma sociedade exigem o emprego não de uma, mas de diferentes medidas. (shrink)

Today the world observes the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty, first commemorated in Paris in 1987 and subsequently receiving official designation by the United Nations. It is a day for renewing commitment to the human project – to enable universal human development, making it possible for all humans to achieve their highest potential – and to reflect on poverty, how it thwarts human development, and how it might disappear. The challenge is not new, but it achieves new urgency (...) as we start to emerge from the COVID-19 pandemic and realize that the damage it caused, to well-being and human development, was deeply intensified by poverty. This volume aims for accelerated growth of knowledge about poverty, its causes and consequences, its links to crises and disasters, its connections to inequality and fairness, the direction and speed of its trajectory in different contexts, and strategies for reducing it and their assessment. (shrink)

The UN’s most recent SDG progress report notes that prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, cities had “rising numbers of slum dwellers, worsening air pollution, minimal open public spaces and limited convenient access to public transport.” In recent years, the number of slum dwellers globally has been growing, and exceeded 1 billion in 2018. As of 2019, only around 50 per cent of the urban population had convenient access to public transport. Furthermore, the proportion of urban areas allocated to streets and (...) open public spaces averaged 16 per cent in 2020, below the UN recommendation of 30 per cent for streets and an additional 10 to 15 per cent for open public spaces. The pandemic has only exacerbated these conditions for many urban dwellers, further reducing the likelihood of this goal being reached by 2030. With nearly two thirds of the world’s population expected to be living in urban areas by 2050, significant efforts are needed to ensure national urban policies are successfully implemented so that urban dwellers can enjoy safe, inclusive and sustainable environments. * This Research Topic will address the eleventh Sustainable Development Goal from a sociological perspective. Researchers, among other themes, will investigate urban inclusion, the impact of urban policies on social differences, and gentrification. Given the significant impact of the lack of decent work and economic growth on urban living, this year’s edition of the Research Topic will focus particularly on the challenges and complexities of sustainable urban planning and development in the context of decent work and economic growth and the associated crisis. (shrink)

This Research Topic addresses the eleventh Sustainable Development Goal (SDG), which is to “make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable.” Several individual targets and indicators measure progress toward this goal. Researchers study, among others, urban inclusion, the influence of urban policy on socioeconomic disparities, and gentrification. This Research Topic primarily addresses the challenges and complexities of sustainable urban planning and development concerning decent work, economic growth, and associated crises due to their significant impact on urban living.

This Research Topic addresses the first Sustainable Development Goal, which is to “end poverty in all its forms everywhere.” Progress toward this goal is measured by a number of individual targets and indicators. As highlighted in the UN’s most recent SDG progress report, the slowdown in poverty reduction since 2015 has been greatly exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic. In 2020, for example, around 120 million people were pushed back into extreme poverty, representing the first increase in extreme poverty in over (...) 20 years. Along with workers in the informal economy, the pandemic has also disproportionately impacted young and female workers. At present, the goal of eradicating poverty by 2030 is not on course to be met, with around 600 million people expected to be living in extreme poverty in 2030. Against the backdrop of the growing climate crisis, significant efforts are therefore needed to bring the 2030 target within reach. * This Research Topic will address the first Sustainable Development Goal from a sociology-specific perspective. It will enquire about the framing and elaboration of the goal, its adaptation to particular geographical contexts, stakeholder involvement in it, and influence and impact of social mobility and social stratification studies on it. Given the setbacks to poverty reduction across the world resulting from the coronavirus pandemic, this year’s edition of the Research Topic will focus particularly on the challenges and complexities of poverty reduction in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis. (shrink)

The Research Topic “On poverty and its eradication” was inspired by the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty, first commemorated in Paris in 1987 and formally designated by the United Nations. This day is dedicated to renewing the commitment to universal human development, enabling all individuals to achieve their highest potential, and reflecting on how poverty hinders this progress. The urgency of addressing poverty has increased after the COVID-19 pandemic, which exacerbated existing issues and highlighted the critical need for (...) effective poverty eradication strategies. The studies included in this Research Topic aim to expand knowledge about poverty, its causes, consequences, and connections to crises, inequality, and fairness, and to assess policy measures for poverty reduction. The included contributions use various theoretical, empirical, quantitative, and qualitative approaches to drive sociological and policy-related discussions and initiatives, promoting fair and inclusive societies. (shrink)

In collaboration with the 31st European Social Services Conference (ESSC) of the European Social Network, to be held in Malmö, Sweden, on 14–16 June 2023, we invite the submission of papers presented at the conference for inclusion in a Special Issue of Social Sciences. There will be no charge for papers submitted to the Special Issue. In line with the conference, the Special Issue will focus on accelerating the digital and technological transformation of social services by governments, public authorities, and (...) agencies involved in their development. It will also discuss how technological advancements can help improve the delivery of social services by simplifying the access and sharing of information, enhancing coordination between services, encouraging early intervention, supporting decision-making, and promoting people’s autonomy and choice. The Special Issue seeks to gather theoretical, empirical and practical findings relating to this area of practice and study. Only contributions already included in the conference programme can be accepted. The following article types are encouraged: brief report, case report, communication, essay, hypothesis, opinion, perspective, project report, and review. Authors can submit an abstract to the editors of the Special Issue in advance of submitting a full article so that the editors can provide initial feedback and opportunities to strengthen the submission. Abstracts can be submitted through the Special Issue website. (shrink)

Poverty has traditionally been conceived of as a state of deprivation. To be poor is to lack something essential to human flourishing. How that something is understood—in terms of welfare, resources, or capabilities—and how it is measured—in absolute terms or relative to a social standard—has been the subject of much debate within the development literature. In this paper, I put forward an account of poverty rooted in the philosophy of action. I argue that poverty essentially involves being in a context (...) in which a reasonable agent’s future-directed agency is systemically undermined. Centering this dimension of poverty allows us to attend to aspects of poverty that are easily overlooked on existing accounts. (shrink)

Discrimination laws usually prohibit discrimination based on some traits, like race, caste, and sex, and not on others, like sports team allegiance. Should socioeconomic class be included among the protected traits? We examine an argument for the view that it should which leads to the conclusion that both direct and indirect socioeconomic discrimination should be prohibited by the state. The argument has three premises: (1) direct paradigmatic discrimination should be prohibited by law; (2) if direct paradigmatic discrimination should be prohibited (...) by law, then so should direct socioeconomic discrimination; and (3) where direct discrimination based on a certain trait should be prohibited by law, so should indirect discrimination on the basis of the same trait. Since we assume most readers will accept (1), the paper is largely devoted to the defense of (2) and (3). The outlawing of direct socioeconomic discrimination would involve an adjustment of the political and legal status quo, but we argue that it should nevertheless be implemented. By contrast, a prohibition on indirect socioeconomic discrimination would require a radical change to the way in which our societies are structured, because many of our laws, policies, and practices systematically (re)produce inequality to the disproportionate detriment of the poor. Our main aim, therefore, is not to defend the prohibition of indirect socioeconomic discrimination, but to show that most people’s views about discrimination are in deep tension with their attitude to current law. Resolving this tension would require for most of us to revise our beliefs either about whether indirect socioeconomic discrimination should be prohibited or about (1)–(3). One might reject the view that law should prohibit socioeconomic discrimination and still accept this claim about a deep tension in most people’s views on discrimination. (shrink)

Poverty in many societies is racialized, with poverty concentrated among particular racial groups. This article aims (a) to provide a philosophical account of how racialized poverty can represent an unjust form of inequality, and (b) to suggest the general direction that policies aiming to reduce racialized poverty ought to take in light of this account. (a) As a species of inequality, racialized poverty (whether absolute or relative) is not intrinsically morally objectionable. However, it can be extrinsically objectionable because it is (...) caused by past or current racial injustice, undermines the value of specific goods to the impoverished, or contributes to objectionable deficiencies in impoverished groups’ political efficacy. (b) Racialized poverty is strongly intergenerational, tending to replicate itself between generations within racial groups. This suggests that approaches to its alleviation that offer income security to all members of those groups, rather than targeted opportunity to subsets of such groups, are both more just and more effective. In particular, societies with racialized poverty should strongly consider policies such as income guarantees, which act to counteract the income volatility that contribute to intergenerational racial poverty. (shrink)

This introductory article summarizes some key elements of Monique Deveaux’s book Poverty, Solidarity, and Poor-Led Social Movements and situates that book in the philosophical literature on global poverty. It then provides an outline of the symposium contributions by Ashwini Vasanthakumar, Luis Cabrera, Brooke Ackerly, Catherine Lu, and Avery Kolers.

Monique Deveaux’s Poverty, Solidarity, and Poor-led Social Movements makes a significant contribution to contemporary capability theories by challenging their individualism. Mainline versions of the Capabilities Approach (CA), including those developed by Martha Nussbaum, Amartya Sen, and Ingrid Robeyns, insist on a methodological and normative individualism. And with good reason: communitarianism most often reinscribes patriarchal power, especially within the family. Deveaux, however, argues that this individualism yields a depoliticized account of poverty as capability deprivation, thereby downplaying or even denying the agency (...) of the poor. But poor-led social movements politicize poverty, understanding it as a social and political relation between individuals and institutions. These movements build collective political capabilities: capabilities that can be exercised only by groups or that promote collective goods. The current paper explicates, extends, and defends this powerful challenge to mainline capability theories. (shrink)

What are the main conditions that any theory of human rights should satisfy to guide action? If agents must take action for a fairer world as human rights discourse suggests, this is a crucial question to reflect upon. In this paper, I make a proposal. I argue that any theory of (moral) human rights that guides action on the basis of correlative duties must satisfy three key conditions. The first condition is focused on the specification of act-types, the second concerns (...) the distribution of correlative duties, and the third is focused on the resolution of (resolvable) conflicts of human rights. I show that this proposal has substantive implications because it implies to reject, challenge and, in some cases, resist ideas that are commonly accepted in the literature on human rights. (shrink)

RESUMO Em geral, podemos encontrar na literatura (tanto na popular quanto na acadêmica) atribuições de deveres coletivos complexos a coletivos não estruturados extensos de indivíduos. Por “deveres coletivos complexos”, quero dizer deveres coletivos que, de maneira plausível, exigem que os membros individuais de um coletivo não estruturado extenso empreguem tipos diferentes de ações contributivas para alcançarem um objetivo coletivo - por exemplo, o suposto dever coletivo universal de acabar com a pobreza mundial. Neste artigo, defendo que esses deveres não orientam (...) a ação. O motivo é por que eles não passam no que chamo de “teste de orientação de ação”. Esse teste pressupõe a crença intuitiva de que um dever moral orienta a ação apenas se, para o portador do dever, estiver claro o tipo de ação que ele deve praticar após a atribuição do dever. Deveres coletivos complexos atribuídos a coletivos não estruturados extensos não passam nesse teste porque, embora cada portador do dever (ou seja, cada membro do coletivo) receba orientação sobre o fim que se deve atingir em conjunto, não está claro para esses agentes o tipo de ação que cada um deles deve por em prática. (shrink)

The paper analyses some parts of the GKN Industrial Plan. While not appearing to be an authentic industrial document, the tool performs a valuable narrative function of developing a political strategy to benefit the trade union groups that still operate within the factory. The plan that aims to demonstrate the existence of a different socially integrated factory model shows the need for radical change on a global scale. Through the definition of potential factory forms, the plan describes the potential economic (...) and financial transformations of the Florentine system, beginning with workers' democratic involvement in the production process. (shrink)

This paper provides a characterization of a new class of ordinal poverty measures that are defined by means of the aggregate generalized poverty gap. To be precise, we propose to use the sum of the differences between the transformed fixed poverty line and the transformed level of income of each person below the line as our measure. If the transformation is strictly concave, the resulting measure is strictly inequality averse with respect to the incomes of the poor. In analogy to (...) some existing results on inequality measurement, we show that the only relative (scale-invariant) members of our class are based on strictly concave power functions or the natural logarithm. Moreover, we show that our measures allow for a useful decomposition that is akin to those examined in some earlier contributions. In an empirical analysis, we compare the logarithmic variant of our index to two well-established alternative orderings. Unlike numerous indices that appear in the earlier literature, ours do not explicitly depend on the number of poor or on the total population size, thereby ruling out any direct influence of the head-count ratio on poverty comparisons. (shrink)

La pandemia mundial del coronavirus ha supuesto una de las mayores conmociones de nuestra historia reciente y, como tal, parece obligarnos a repensar nuestros modos de organización y formas de vida e, incluso, como se propone aquí, a plantearnos cómo podríamos habitar el colapso. En este escenario incierto y desconocido, la filosofía, con sus múltiples enfoques y subdisciplinas, se presenta como un lugar privilegiado para analizar las vertiginosas transformaciones que han dado lugar a esta “nueva normalidad”. El presente monográfico aglutina (...) una serie de contribuciones realizadas por distintos investigadores e investigadoras de la Universidad de Oviedo, que han tratado de abordar la crisis sanitaria global desde diversas perspectivas filosóficas y humanísticas. Entre los temas que se estudian en estas páginas, figuran los relativos a la gestión de la pandemia y la comunicación científica sobre la misma, las relaciones entre pobreza, salud mental y suicidio o el alcance de la revalorización del mundo rural. También se utilizan las herramientas del análisis biopolítico para examinar la gestión de los cuerpos durante la pandemia a partir de tres ejes distintos: el tratamiento de los enfermos, los nuevos dispositivos de control y la gestión de la pandemia en las instituciones de encierro. Además, varios de los capítulos se ocupan explícitamente de un tema inherente a la mayoría de las reflexiones que componen este volumen: a saber, el de la necesidad de un cuestionamiento profundo de la sociedad occidental contemporánea y la insostenibilidad de su forma de vida. (shrink)

This paper presents a passage from Peter Singer on the pond analogy and comments on its content and use in the classroom, especially with respect to the development of the learners' argumentative skills.

According to the well-known “claimability objection” posed by O’Neill, it is unjustified to hold that each individual has a human right to socioeconomic goods because the duty-bearers are not sufficiently determined. Even though this objection has been defended in the literature from many counter-arguments, attacks against the claimability objection based on non-conventional conceptions of human rights remain unexplored. In this paper, I aim to fill this significant gap in the philosophical literature. I defend the claimability objection from arguments that aim (...) to undermine such an objection on the basis of non-conventional conceptions of human rights. By doing so, I reinforce the defence of the claimability objection. (shrink)

Much is known about homelessness from a quantitative perspective in Finland. However, the implications are often misleading and false. In this report, I present how prejudiced conclusions about the homeless are drawn in the City of Turku because there is no interest in grassroots experience. Targets to reduce homelessness still make sense.

The aim of this chapter is to articulate the ways in which our social standing, and particularly our socio-economic status (SES), affects, even transforms, the experience of boredom. Even if boredom can be said to be democratic, in the sense that it can potentially affect all of us, it does not actually affect all of us in the same way. Boredom, I argue, is unjust—some groups are disproportionately negatively impacted by boredom through no fault of their own. Depending on our (...) social position and self and others’ perceptions of our SES, we can experience it more frequently, more intensely, and in ways that either leave us incapable of alleviating it or push us to harmful and maladaptive responses to it. Hence, seen in a socio-economic light, boredom can become a serious threat to our physical and psychological well-being. Insofar as freedom to pursue and achieve one’s well-being is essential to human life and a primary concern of contemporary liberal societies, boredom should be considered to be a social justice issue. The disproportionately negative effects of boredom on lower SES groups indicate the profound ways that boredom affects individuals and further disadvantages those who are already in marginalized positions. Contrary to many historical accounts, boredom is not only the experience of the elite, the wealthy, or those with ample free time. In our current political, social, and economic climate, boredom is primarily the experience of the less privileged, the disadvantaged, and the marginalized. (shrink)

Book chapter about migration and poverty in Handbuch Philosophie und Armut [Companion to Philosophy and Poverty].

This book is devoted to applied ethics. We focus on six popular and controversial topics: abortion, the environment, animals, poverty, punishment, and disability. We cover three chapters per topic, and each chapter is devoted to a famous or influential argument on the topic. After we present an influential argument, we then consider objections to the argument, and replies to the objections. The book is impartial, and set up in order to equip the reader to make up her own mind about (...) the controversial topics covered. (shrink)

In this chapter we argue that poverty should be seen as a violation of dignity, drawing on two of Kant’s formulations of the Categorical Imperative – the formula of humanity and the formula of the kingdom of ends. In our view, poverty should not be seen primarily in terms of exploitation, nor of failures to help people in need. A Kantian perspective should give proper weight to the actual and potential agency of those who suffer poverty. This is a question (...) about power, not just the distribution of material resources. Theoretically, we will place particular emphasis on the rarely remarked reference to “ends and means” in the formula of the kingdom of ends. People are sometimes treated merely as means, which is one sort of disrespect for their equal moral status. Another form of disrespect, deeper and more general in form, is the denial of decent opportunities to act as means for others. The resulting powerlessness, we suggest, should be central to an adequate understanding of poverty and its violations of dignity. (shrink)

Migration und Armut sind eng miteinander verbunden. Für die meisten Migrant*innen ist Armut der Grund, ihre Heimat zu verlassen, um anderswo ein günstigeres wirtschaftliches Umfeld zu finden. Der Internationalen Organisation für Migration zufolge lag die Zahl der sogenannten Arbeitsmigrant*innen im Jahr 2015 weltweit bei 150,3 Millionen, bei einer Gesamtzahl von 247,6 Millionen Migrant* innen. Diese Zahlen erfassen Migrant* innen mit offizieller Arbeitserlaubnis und es ist anzunehmen, dass die Zahl von Arbeitsmigrant*innen ohne legale Dokumente deutlich höher ist.

The much-discussed “claimability objection” holds that it is unjustified to believe that all individuals have a human right to subsistence because the bearers of the correlative duties are not sufficiently determined. This argument is based on the so-called “claimability-condition”: S has a right to P if and only if the duty-bearer is sufficiently determined. Practice-based theorists defend the human right to subsistence by arguing that if we take the existing human rights practice seriously, there is no indeterminacy about the allocation (...) of duties. In this paper, I challenge this (apparently compelling) defense of the human right to subsistence with a dilemma. If the claimability condition is true, the practice-based defense fails to undermine the claimability objection because the duty-bearer is determined in some, but not all, cases. If practice-based theorists reject the claimability condition, they generate an account of human rights that is problematic from the practical perspective because it may contain duties that are unable to guide action. (shrink)

I argue that, alongside the already well-established prohibition against treating persons as mere means, Kant’s Formula of Humanity requires a prohibition against treating persons as mere things. The former captures ethical violations due to someone’s (perceived) instrumental value, e.g. exploitation, the latter captures cases in which I mistreat others because they have no instrumental value to me. These are cases in which I am indifferent and complacent towards persons in need; forms of mistreatment frequently suffered by the world’s poorest. I (...) explain why we need the category of treating others as mere things and what the prohibition against such treatment entails. Prohibitions against treating as mere means and as mere things are both essential for understanding the specific nature and extent of our duties to the world’s poorest. (shrink)

Effective altruism is a movement which aims to maximise good. Effective altruists are concerned with extreme poverty and many of them think that individuals have an obligation to donate to effective charities to alleviate extreme poverty. Their reasoning, which I will scrutinise, is as follows: -/- Premise 1. Extreme poverty is very bad. -/- Premise 2. If it is in our power to prevent something very bad from happening, without thereby sacrificing anything else morally significant, we ought, morally, to do (...) it. -/- Premise 3. Individuals ought to choose the effective option in preventing very bad things. -/- Premise 4. Donating to effective charities is one of the best ways to alleviate extreme poverty. -/- Conclusion. Individuals ought to donate to effective charities working towards extreme poverty alleviation where doing so does not require them to give up anything of moral significance. -/- I will scrutinise each of these premises in turn. -/- For Premise 1, I focus on hedonistic utilitarianism and criticise its outlook on extreme poverty. I claim that hedonistic utilitarianism might be problematic for effective altruism. -/- Premise 2 is Peter Singer's Weaker Principle of Sacrifice. I introduce several possible interpretations of it, and press several objections to it by stressing overpermissiveness, luck, and rights. I defend strengthening the Weaker Principle of Sacrifice without making it overdemanding. -/- I claim that Premise 3 can be attractive to both consequentialists and non-consequentialists. Nevertheless, by showing that effectiveness sometimes violates fairness, I propose a method which avoids always helping the greater number and always giving everyone equal chances of being helped, which is compatible with effective altruism. -/- Against Premise 4, I assess the systemic change objection, which states that effective altruism unjustifiably distracts individuals from systemic change. By considering risk and the moral standing of the future extremely poor, I claim that the systemic change objection is partially successful, but cannot undermine effective altruism. -/- After analysing all of these, I argue that individuals have an obligation to donate to effective charities to alleviate extreme poverty where doing so does not require them to give up anything of moral significance. (shrink)

In their vulnerability to arbitrary, exploitative uses of human power, many of Earth’s nonhuman parts are subject to environmental domination. People too are subject to environmental domination in ways that include but also extend beyond the special environmental burdens borne by those who are poor and marginalized. Despite the substantial inequalities that exist among us as human beings, we are all captured and exploited by the eco-damaging collective practices that constitute modern life for everyone today. Understanding the complex, interacting dynamics (...) of environmental domination can orient us to a more liberatory approach to our environmental problems and to one another, both human and nonhuman. To make good on this potential, however, we need to move beyond existing conceptions of domination. This essay reconstructs the concept of domination to illuminate the multiple ways that the human domination of nature interacts with the domination of people, and it identifies changes that could support more emancipatory forms of political order, a politics of non-domination for people and the Earth. (shrink)

In this paper, I argue that taking basic human rights seriously—and the basic right to subsistence in particular—requires acknowledging that, given certain conditions, people in need have a right of necessity to take, use and/or occupy the property of others in order to get out of their plight. I explore the implications of this for the phenomenon of illegalized migration for subsistence reasons, and suggest that receiving countries ought not to deny entry to these migrants. On the contrary, those seeking (...) to enter should be morally permitted to do it. The reason is that, just as basic rights should serve as internal limits to any minimally reasonable system of property rights, so should they serve as limits to any minimally reasonable system of territorial rights. After developing this idea, I address some objections to the principle and its application, and conclude by pointing to the immediate, mediate and final duties that this principle gives rise to. (shrink)

Reprint of an article that initially appeared in Philosophical Papers (2017).

ABSTRACTThis paper attempts to explore the ways through which the discourse on global justice can be expanded beyond the language of redistribution by utilizing the insights from the theory of recognition as proposed by Honneth. It looks into the potential contributions of recognition theory in the normative analysis of global poverty and inequality. Taking off from the argument that the focus on global redistributive justice is misleading, the paper makes three claims: firstly, any global justice discourse must take as its (...) point of departure the experience of suffering of the poor; secondly, suffering poverty, the global poor experience shame or humiliation, thereby, degrading their sense of self-worth and their capacity for independent agency; thirdly, the goal of global justice is not simply the poor’s equal access to resources but self-realization. In the end, the paper argues that the recognition paradigm is a useful tool in analyzing and theorizing global justice. (shrink)

The wide presence of the right to work in national and international legal texts contrasts with a lack of agreement about the concrete content of this right. According to the hegemonic interpretation, it consists of two elements: (a) extension of wage labour and (b) significant improvement of working conditions. However, if we study the history of right to work claims, especially from the French Revolution to 1848, we can notice that the meaning of this right was rather wider in the (...) past. Rescuing the historical significance of the right to work may help to face the problem of the future of work. In particular, and unlike what might seem at first sight, the claim that everyone should have his or her right to work guaranteed can be a way of articulating and concretizing issues such as workplace democracy, the organization of domestic work or the transition to a sustainable society. (shrink)

America and the world are in the process of collapse from excessive population growth, most of it for the last century and now all of it due to 3rd world people. Consumption of resources and the addition of one or two billion more ca. 2100 will collapse industrial civilization and bring about starvation, disease, violence and war on a staggering scale. Billions will die and nuclear war is all but certain. In America this is being hugely accelerated by massive immigration (...) and immigrant reproduction, combined with abuses made possible by democracy. Depraved human nature inexorably turns the dream of democracy and diversity into a nightmare of crime and poverty. The root cause of collapse is the inability of our innate psychology to adapt to the modern world, which leads people to treat unrelated persons as though they had common interests. This, plus ignorance of basic biology and psychology, leads to the social engineering delusions of the partially educated who control democratic societies. Few understand that if you help one person you harm someone else—there is no free lunch and every single item anyone consumes destroys the earth beyond repair. Consequently, social policies everywhere are unsustainable and one by one all societies without stringent controls on selfishness will collapse into anarchy or dictatorship. Without dramatic and immediate changes, there is no hope for preventing the collapse of America, or any country that follows a democratic system. Hence my essay “Suicide by Democracy”. It is also now clear that the seven sociopaths who rule China are winning world war 3, and so my concluding essay on them. The only greater threat is Artificial Intelligence which I comment on briefly. The key to everything about us is biology, and it is obliviousness to it that leads millions of smart educated people like Obama, Chomsky, Clinton, the Democratic Party and the Pope to espouse suicidal utopian ideals that inexorably lead straight to Hell on Earth. As W noted, it is what is always before our eyes that is the hardest to see. We live in the world of conscious deliberative linguistic System 2, but it is unconscious, automatic reflexive System 1 that rules. This is the source of the universal blindness described by Searle’s The Phenomenological Illusion (TPI), Pinker’s Blank Slate and Tooby and Cosmides’ Standard Social Science Model. The first group of articles attempt to give some insight into how we behave that is reasonably free of theoretical delusions. In the next three groups I comment on three of the principal delusions preventing a sustainable world— technology, religion and politics (cooperative groups). People believe that society can be saved by them, so I provide some suggestions in the rest of the book as to why this is unlikely via short articles and reviews of recent books by well-known writers. Another section describes the religious delusion – that there is some super power that will save us. The next section describes the digital delusions, which confuse the language games of System 2 with the automatisms of System one, and so cannot distinguish biological machines (i.e., people) from other kinds of machines (i.e., computers). Other digital delusions are that we will be saved from the pure evil (selfishness) of System 1 by computers/AI/robotics/nanotech/genetic engineering created by System 2. The No Free Lunch principal tells us there will be serious and possibly fatal consequences. The last section describes The One Big Happy Family Delusion, i.e., that we are selected for cooperation with everyone, and that the euphonious ideals of Democracy, Diversity and Equality will lead us into utopia, if we just manage things correctly (the possibility of politics). Again, the No Free Lunch Principle ought to warn us it cannot be true, and we see throughout history and all over the contemporary world, that without strict controls, selfishness and stupidity gain the upper hand and soon destroy any nation that embraces these delusions. In addition, the monkey mind steeply discounts the future, and so we cooperate in selling our descendant’s heritage for temporary comforts, greatly exacerbating the problems. (shrink)

La predisposición genética a ayudar a nuestros parientes cercanos ("altruismo"), que era vital para la supervivencia en nuestros antepasados en las llanuras de Africa de cenas de miles a decenas de millones de años atrás, es un defecto fatal en un mundo superpoblado donde nuestros vecinos ya no están estrechamente relacionados y están involucrados en una lucha de vida o muerte por la supervivencia. Me he referido a esto como "El gran delirio de la familia feliz" y es fundamental para (...) los delirios utópicos suicidas de la izquierda política, que surgen debido a la abundancia temporal de recursos y la relativa paz que es posible gracias a la despiadada violación de la tierra. Los puntos de vista políticos liberales que tenían sentido en el pasado están provocando el colapso de las sociedades democráticas modernas y tal vez de la civilización misma. Aunque esto es obvio para cualquier niño brillante de diez años con acceso a la red o incluso televisión por satélite, es totalmente opaco para el liberal/democrático/neomarxista/neofascista/ supremacistas del tercer mundo/20,30,40 algo googloides y iPhoners, que pronto asumirá y destruirá la prosperidad y la paz en Estados Unidos y el Reino Unido, y luego el mundo, tanto directamente, como dejándolo abierto a la destrucción por parte de los Cárteles mexicanos, yihadistas islámicos y mucho más allá, los Siete Sóciopatas que gobiernan China. -/- Estados Unidos y el mundo están en proceso de colapso por el crecimiento excesivo de la población, la mayor parte del siglo pasado, y ahora todo, debido a la gente del tercer mundo. El consumo de recursos y la adición de 2.000 millones más alrededor de 2100 colapsarán la civilización industrial y provocarán hambre, enfermedades, violencia y guerra a una escala asombrosa. La tierra pierde al menos el 1% de su suelo superior cada año, por lo que a medida que se acerca a 2100, la mayor parte de su capacidad de cultivo de alimentos desaparecerá. Miles de millones morirán y la guerra nuclear es muy segura. En Estados Unidos, esto está siendo enormemente acelerado por la inmigración masiva y la reproducción de inmigrantes, combinado con los abusos que hacen posible la democracia. La depravada naturaleza humana convierte inexorablemente el sueño de la democracia y la diversidad en una pesadilla del crimen y la pobreza. La ignorancia de la biología básica y la psicología conduce a los delirios de ingeniería social de los parcialmente educados que controlan las sociedades democráticas. Pocos entienden que si ayudas a una persona, dañas a otra persona, no hay almuerzo gratis y cada artículo que alguien consume destruye la tierra más allá de la reparación. En consecuencia, las políticas sociales en todas partes son insostenibles y una a una todas las sociedades sin estrictos controles sobre el egoísmo se derrumbarán en anarquía o dictadura. Los hechos más básicos, casi nunca mencionados, son que no hay suficientes recursos en Estados Unidos o en el mundo para sacar a un porcentaje significativo de los pobres de la pobreza y mantenerlos allí. El intento de hacer esto es la bancarrota de Estados Unidos y la destrucción del mundo. La capacidad de la tierra para producir alimentos disminuye diariamente, al igual que nuestra calidad genética. Y ahora, como siempre, el mayor enemigo de los pobres es otro pobre y no los ricos. Sin cambios dramáticos e inmediatos, no hay esperanza de evitar el colapso de Estados Unidos, o cualquier país que siga un sistema democrático . (shrink)

私たちが最初に留意しなければならないのは、中国がこれを言うか、中国がそうしていると言うとき、我々は中国の人々について話すのではなく、CCPを支配する社会主義者、すなわちCCPの常任委員会の7人の老人社 会病連続殺人犯(SSSSK)または政治局の25人のメンバーについて話しているということです。 CCPの第一次世界大戦と完全支配の計画は、中国政府の出版物や演説で非常に明確にレイアウトされており、これは習近平の「チャイナドリーム」です。中国を支配する小さな少数派(おそらく数十人から数百人)と他の 誰にとっても悪夢(14億人の中国人を含む)にとっては夢です。年間100億ドルは、彼らまたは彼らの人形が毎日どこでもほとんどの主要メディアにフェイクニュースを置き、新聞、雑誌、テレビ、ラジオチャンネルを 所有または制御し、置くことを可能にします。 さらに、彼らはより多くのプロパガンダを置き、正当な解説(50セントの軍隊)をかき消すすべてのメディアを荒らす軍隊(おそらく何百万人もの人々)を持っています。 第3の資源を取り除くことに加えて、数兆ドルの一帯一路イニシアチブの大きな推力は、世界中に軍事基地を建設しています。彼らは自由な世界をソ連との冷戦をピクニックのように見せる大規模なハイテク軍拡競争に追い 込んでいます。 SSSSKと世界の軍隊の残りの部分は、高度なハードウェアに巨額を費やしていますが、WW3(またはそれに至るまでの小規模なエンゲージメント)がソフトウェア支配になる可能性が高いです。SSSSKは、おそら くより多くのハッカー(コーダー)が彼らのために働き、世界の他のすべての部分を組み合わせることで、ネットを介して敵を麻痺させることによって、最小限の物理的な紛争で将来の戦争に勝つことは問題外ではありませ ん。衛星、電話、通信、金融取引、電力網、インターネット、高度な武器、車両、電車、船、飛行機はありません。 CCPを削除し、14億人の中国人囚人を解放し、第三次世界大戦への狂気の行進を終わらせるための2つの主要な道しかありません。 平和的なものは、軍がうんざりしてCCPを打ち切るまで、中国経済を荒廃させるために全面的な貿易戦争を開始することです。 中国経済を閉鎖する代わりに、CCPの第20回議会で50機の熱圧ドローンが1か所に位置する場合、標的型ストライキなど、限られた戦争であるが、2022年まで行われないので、年次本会議に当たる可能性がある。 中国人は、攻撃が起こったように、彼らは腕を下ろし、民主的な選挙を行うか、石器時代にヌックされる準備をしなければならないと知らされるだろう。もう一つの選択肢は、全面的な核攻撃です。 軍事的対立は、CCPの現在のコースを考えると避けられない。 南シナ海や台湾の島々で数十年以内に起こる可能性が高いが、世界中に軍事基地を設置するにつれて、どこでも起こり得る(クラウチング・タイガーなど参照)。 将来の紛争は、すべての軍事および産業通信、機器、発電所、衛星、インターネット、銀行、およびネットに接続されたデバイスまたは車両の制御システムをハッキングし、麻痺させることによってサイバー戦争を強調する ために、CCPの述べられた目的とハードキルとソフトキルの側面を持つことになります。 SSは、中国からの信号を待っているか、あるいは米国の船や飛行機の署名を探している場合でも、休眠状態にある可能性のある通常兵器や核兵器を打ち上げることができる有人および自律的な表面および水中潜水艦または ドローンの世界的な配列をゆっくりとフィールド化しています。 私たちの衛星を破壊し、したがって、世界中のアメリカと我々の軍隊との間の通信を排除しながら、彼らは私たちの現在優れた海軍を標的にし、破壊するためにドローンと一緒に、彼ら自身を使用します。 もちろん、このすべてがAIによってますます自動的に行われます。 CCPの最大の同盟国はアメリカの民主党です。 選択は、今CCPを停止するか、彼らは全世界に中国の刑務所を拡張として見てです。 .

America and the world are in the process of collapse from excessive population growth, most of it for the last century and now all of it due to 3rd world people. Consumption of resources and the addition of one or two billion more ca. 2100 will collapse industrial civilization and bring about starvation, disease, violence and war on a staggering scale. Billions will die and nuclear war is all but certain. In America this is being hugely accelerated by massive immigration (...) and immigrant reproduction, combined with abuses made possible by democracy. Depraved human nature inexorably turns the dream of democracy and diversity into a nightmare of crime and poverty. The root cause of collapse is the inability of our innate psychology to adapt to the modern world, which leads people to treat unrelated persons as though they had common interests. This, plus ignorance of basic biology and psychology, leads to the social engineering delusions of the partially educated who control democratic societies. Few understand that if you help one person you harm someone else—there is no free lunch and every single item anyone consumes destroys the earth beyond repair. Consequently, social policies everywhere are unsustainable and one by one all societies without stringent controls on selfishness will collapse into anarchy or dictatorship. Without dramatic and immediate changes, there is no hope for preventing the collapse of America, or any country that follows a democratic system. Hence my essay “Suicide by Democracy”. It is also now clear that the seven sociopaths who rule China are winning world war 3, and so my concluding essay on them. The only greater threat is Artificial Intelligence which I comment on briefly. The key to everything about us is biology, and it is obliviousness to it that leads millions of smart educated people like Obama, Chomsky, Clinton, the Democratic Party and the Pope to espouse suicidal utopian ideals that inexorably lead straight to Hell on Earth. As W noted, it is what is always before our eyes that is the hardest to see. We live in the world of conscious deliberative linguistic System 2, but it is unconscious, automatic reflexive System 1 that rules. This is the source of the universal blindness described by Searle’s The Phenomenological Illusion (TPI), Pinker’s Blank Slate and Tooby and Cosmides’ Standard Social Science Model. The first group of articles attempt to give some insight into how we behave that is reasonably free of theoretical delusions. In the next three groups I comment on three of the principal delusions preventing a sustainable world— technology, religion and politics (cooperative groups). People believe that society can be saved by them, so I provide some suggestions in the rest of the book as to why this is unlikely via short articles and reviews of recent books by well-known writers. Another section describes the religious delusion – that there is some super power that will save us. The next section describes the digital delusions, which confuse the language games of System 2 with the automatisms of System one, and so cannot distinguish biological machines (i.e., people) from other kinds of machines (i.e., computers). Other digital delusions are that we will be saved from the pure evil (selfishness) of System 1 by computers/AI/robotics/nanotech/genetic engineering created by System 2. The No Free Lunch principal tells us there will be serious and possibly fatal consequences. The last section describes The One Big Happy Family Delusion, i.e., that we are selected for cooperation with everyone, and that the euphonious ideals of Democracy, Diversity and Equality will lead us into utopia, if we just manage things correctly (the possibility of politics). Again, the No Free Lunch Principle ought to warn us it cannot be true, and we see throughout history and all over the contemporary world, that without strict controls, selfishness and stupidity gain the upper hand and soon destroy any nation that embraces these delusions. In addition, the monkey mind steeply discounts the future, and so we cooperate in selling our descendant’s heritage for temporary comforts, greatly exacerbating the problems. (shrink)

美国和世界正处于人口过度增长的崩溃过程中，大部分都发生在上个世纪，现在这一切都是由于第三世界人民造成的。资源消耗和增加10亿至2100亿美元，将使工业文明崩溃，并造成饥饿、疾病、暴力和战争。" ;数十亿人将死去，核战争几乎可以肯定。在美国，大规模移民和移民再生产，加上民主带来的滥用，大大加速了这一速度。堕落的人性无情地把民主和多样性的梦想变成犯罪和贫穷的噩梦。崩溃的根本原因是我们天生的心理无 法适应现代世界，这导致人们把不相关的人当作他们有共同的兴趣对待。再加上对基本生物学和心理的无知，导致部分受教育者的社会工程妄想，他们控制着民主社会。很少有人明白，如果你帮助一个人，你伤害了别人——没有 免费的午餐，任何人消费的每一件物品都会破坏地球，无法修复。因此，世界各地的社会政策都是不可持续的，如果不严格控制自私，所有社会都会陷入无政府状态或独裁。如果不立即作出戏剧性改变，就没有希望阻止美国或任 何遵循民主制度的国家的崩溃。因此，我的文章"民主自杀"。 现在很清楚，统治中国的七个社会道路正在赢得第三次世界大战，所以我关于他们的结论性文章。唯一更大的威胁是人工智能，我简要地评论。 我们一切的关键是生物学，而正是它所忽视它，导致数百万聪明受过教育的人，如奥巴马，乔姆斯基，克林顿，民主党和教皇支持自杀的乌托邦理想，无情地直接导致地球上的地狱。 正如W指出的，我们眼前最难看的就是什么。 我们生活在有意识的议事语言系统2的世界里，但它是无意识的，自动反射系统1的规则。这是西尔的《现象幻象》（TPI）、平克的《空白石板》和《图比》和《科斯米德的标准社会科学模型》中描述的普遍失明的根源。 第一组文章试图让我们了解我们是如何合理摆脱理论错觉的。在接下来的三个组中，我评论了阻碍可持续世界的三个主要错觉——技术、宗教和政治（合作团体）。人们相信社会可以由他们拯救，所以我在书的其余部分提供一些 建议，为什么这不太可能通过短篇文章和评论最近出版的著名作家的书。 另一节描述了宗教错觉——有一些超级力量会拯救我们。 下一节将数字错觉描述为将系统2的语言游戏与系统1的自动化混为一谈，因此无法区分生物机器（即人）和其他种类的机器（即计算机）。 其他数字错觉是，我们将从系统1的纯邪恶（自私）由计算机/AI/机器人/纳米技术/基因工程由系统2创建。 没有免费午餐校长告诉我们，将有严重，甚至致命的后果。 最后一节描述了"一个幸福家庭"的幻想，即我们被选中与大家合作，如果我们只是正确管理事情（政治的可能性），民主、多样性和平等等异想天意将引导我们进入乌托邦。 再次，没有免费午餐原则应该警告我们，它不能是真实的，我们看到整个历史和整个当代世界，没有严格的控制，自私和愚蠢占上风，并很快摧毁任何国家，拥抱这些妄想。此外，猴子的头脑大大折扣的未来，所以我们合作出售 我们的后代的遗产为临时舒适，大大加剧了问题。 .

Estados Unidos y el mundo están en proceso de colapso por el crecimiento excesivo de la población, la mayor parte del siglo pasado y ahora todo debido a la tercera gente del mundo. El consumo de recursos y la adición de uno o dos mil millones más alrededor de 2100 colapsarán la civilización industrial y provocarán hambre, enfermedades, violencia y guerra a una escala asombrosa. Miles de millones morirán y la guerra nuclear es muy segura. En Estados Unidos esto está (...) siendo enormemente acelerado por la inmigración masiva y la reproducción de inmigrantes, combinado con los abusos que hacen posible la democracia. La depravada naturaleza humana convierte inexorablemente el sueño de la democracia y la diversidad en una pesadilla del crimen y la pobreza. La causa fundamental del colapso es la incapacidad de nuestra psicología innata para adaptarse al mundo moderno, lo que lleva a las personas a tratar a personas no relacionadas como si tuvieran intereses comunes. Esto, además de la ignorancia de la biología básica y la psicología, conduce a los delirios de ingeniería social de los parcialmente educados que controlan las sociedades democráticas. Pocos entienden que si ayudas a una persona, dañas a otra persona, no hay almuerzo gratis y cada artículo que alguien consume destruye la tierra más allá de la reparación. En consecuencia, las políticas sociales en todas partes son insostenibles y una a una todas las sociedades sin estrictos controles sobre el egoísmo se derrumbarán en anarquía o dictadura. Sin cambios dramáticos e inmediatos, no hay esperanza de impedir el colapso de Estados Unidos, ni de ningún país que siga un sistema democrático. De ahí mi ensayo "Suicidio por Democracia". También está claro ahora que los siete sociópatas que gobiernan China están ganando la Tercera Guerra Mundial, por lo que mi ensayo final sobre ellos. La única amenaza mayor es la Inteligencia Artificial, que comento brevemente. La clave de todo lo que nos pasa es la biología, y es el olvido lo que lleva a millones de personas educadas inteligentes como Obama, Chomsky, Clinton, el Partido Demócrata y el Papa a defender ideales utópicos suicidas que inexorablemente conducen directamente al Infierno en la Tierra. Como W señaló, es lo que siempre está ante nuestros ojos lo que es más difícil de ver. Vivimos en el mundo del sistema linguístico deliberativo consciente 2, pero es inconsciente, sistema reflexivo automático 1 lo que gobierna. Esta es la fuente de la ceguera universal descrita por La ilusión fenomenológica (TPI) de Searle, la pizarra en blanco de Pinker y Tooby y el modelo de ciencia social estándar de Cosmides. El primer grupo de artículos intenta dar una idea de cómo nos comportamos que está razonablemente libre de delirios teóricos. En los siguientes tres grupos comento tres de los principales delirios que impiden un mundo sostenible: la tecnología, la religión y la política (grupos cooperativos). La gente cree que la sociedad puede ser salvada por ellos, por lo que proporciono algunas sugerencias en el resto del libro sobre por qué esto es poco probable a través de artículos cortos y reseñas de libros recientes de escritores conocidos. Otra sección describe el delirio religioso – que hay algún superpoder que nos salvará. En la siguiente sección se describen los delirios digitales, que confunden los juegos de idiomas del Sistema 2 con los automatismos del Sistema Uno, y por lo tanto no pueden distinguir las máquinas biológicas (es decir, las personas) de otros tipos de máquinas (es decir, computadoras). Otros delirios digitales son que seremos salvados del mal puro (egoísmo) del Sistema 1 por computadoras/AI/robotics/nanotech/ingeniería genética creada por System 2. El director De No Free Lunch nos dice que habrá consecuencias graves y posiblemente fatales. La última sección describe The One Big Happy Family Delusion, es decir, que somos seleccionados para la cooperación con todos, y que los eufóricos ideales de Democracia, Diversidad e Igualdad nos llevarán a la utopía, si sólo manejamos las cosas correctamente (la posibilidad de la política). Una vez más, el Principio De No Almuerzo Libre debe advertirnos que no puede ser verdad, y vemos a lo largo de la historia y en todo el mundo contemporáneo, que sin estrictos controles, egoísmo y estupidez ganar ventaja y pronto destruir cualquier nación que abraza estos delirios. Además, la mente del mono descuenta el futuro, por lo que cooperamos en la venta de la herencia de nuestros descendientes para las comodidades temporales, exacerbando en gran medida los problemas. (shrink)

In various responses to the COVID-19 pandemic, we can observe insufficient sensitivity towards the needs and circumstances of poorer citizens. Particularly in a context of high inequality, policy makers need to engage with the wider public in debates and consultations to gain better insights in the realities of the worst-off within their jurisdiction. When consultations involve members of traditionally underrepresented groups, these are not only more inclusive, which is in itself an ethical aim, but pool ideas and observations from a (...) much more diverse array of inhabitants. Inclusivity increases the odds to identify a larger range of weak spots for health security and to design health interventions that are less burdensome on those worst-off. (shrink)

While many are born into prosperity, hundreds of millions of people lead lives of almost unimaginable poverty. Our world remains hugely unequal, with our place of birth continuing to exert a major influence on our opportunities. -/- In this accessible book, leading political theorist Chris Armstrong engagingly examines the key moral and political questions raised by this stark global divide. Why, as a citizen of a relatively wealthy country, should you care if others have to make do with less? Do (...) we have a moral duty to try to rectify this state of affairs? What does 'global justice' mean anyway - and why does it matter? Could we make our world a more just one even if we tried? Can you as an individual make a difference? -/- This book powerfully demonstrates that global justice is something we should all be concerned about, and sketches a series of reforms that would make our divided world a fairer one. It will be essential introductory reading for students of global justice, activists and concerned citizens. (shrink)

In this paper, we take up the question of whether there comes a point at which one is no longer morally obliged to do further good, even at very low cost to oneself. More specifically, they ask: under precisely what conditions is it plausible to say that that “point” has been reached? A crude account might focus only on, say, the amount of good the agent has already done, but a moment’s reflection shows that this is indeed too crude. We (...) develop and defend a nuanced account according to which considerations of three types are all relevant to whether one has satisfied one’s duties to assist: “inputs” (types and quantities of sacrifice made), “characteristics” (the beliefs and intentions that informed the donor’s decisions), and “success” (the extent to which the donations in question succeeded in generating value). (shrink)

This chapter presents a portrait of American children as situationally vulnerable and introduces the public emotion of civic tenderness as a response to the indifference that is routinely directed toward this vulnerability. Discussions of pro-social empathic emotions typically prioritize emotions like sympathy and compassion. While they are important in their own right, these pro-social emotions are responses to situations of current need. Civic tenderness is a response to situations of vulnerability. Insofar as a person or group is now in a (...) situation of need, they had to have first been vulnerable to experiencing that need. Since vulnerability is conceptually prior to need, civic tenderness is prior to these other pro-social emotions. Through the process that I call tenderization, I explain how tenderness for poor and impoverished children’s vulnerability can be expanded to a society’s members, institutions, and systems. (shrink)