Plato: Letters

The paper describes and contextualizes the scene of thinking in Jean-Luc Nancy's Le poids d’une pensée, l’approche (2008) and Pascal Quignard’s Mourir de penser (2014) in the perspective of the so-called “genre occidental” (term coined by Nancy in Demande, 2015), characterized by the hybridization of literature and philosophy, the overlapping of concept and writing and the mutual conditioning of philosophical achievement (system, architectonics, certitude) and literary pursuit (recitative, recitation, recital). This written philosophy is characteristic of the works of Nancy, Milner, (...) Agamben, Deguy and Quignard, and foreshadowed by the cryptic phrasing of Plato, Seventh Letter, 344c. (shrink)

Na digressão da Carta Sétima (341c-d – 344d-e) Platão faz uma descrição do caminho filosófico e do limite dos discursos, sejam escritos ou falados, para se alcançar e comunicar o conhecimento dos seres e da virtude. A digressão critica a produção, por parte de Dionísio, jovem tirano de Siracusa, de um tratado sobre a filosofia platônica, visando suas ‘doutrinas’, como se já soubesse tudo sobre os princípios supremos da realidade. Nesse artigo pretendo ler a digressão acerca do conhecimento filosófico e (...) sua transmissão, não como um desvio do curso da Carta, mas como parte central para entender sua mensagem a filosofia platônica em geral– evidenciando através do texto suas múltiplas e importantes ligações com os diálogos. Palavras-chave: Escrita; Metafísica; Platão; Carta Sétima; Digressão. The digression on knowledge in the platonic Seventh Letter Abstract: In the digression of the Seventh Letter (341c-d–344d-e) Plato describes the philosophical path and the limits of discourses, whether written or spoken, to reach and communicate the knowledge of beings and virtue. The digression criticizes the production, by Dionysius, a young tyrant of Syracuse, of a treatise on Platonic philosophy, aiming at its 'doctrines', as if he already knew everything about the supreme principles of reality. In this article I intend to read the digression about philosophical knowledge and its transmission, not as a deviation from the course of the letter, but as a central part to understand the message of the letter and of Platonic philosophy in general – evidencing through the text its multiple and important connections with the dialogues. Keywords: Writing, Metaphysics, Plato, Seventh Letter, digression. La digression sobre el saber en la Séptima Carta platonica. Resumen: En la digresión de la Carta Séptima (341c-d – 344d-e) Platón describe el camino filosófico y los límites de los discursos, sean escritos o hablados, para alcanzar y comunicar el conocimiento de los seres y de la virtud. La digresión critica la producción, por parte de Dionisio, un joven tirano de Siracusa, de un tratado sobre la filosofía platónica, apuntando a sus 'doctrinas', como si ya supiera todo acerca de los principios supremos de la realidad. En este artículo pretendo leer la digresión sobre el conocimiento filosófico y su transmisión, no como una desviación del curso de la Carta, sino como parte central para comprender el mensaje de la carta y de la filosofía platónica en general – evidenciando a través del texto sus múltiples e importantes conexiones con los diálogos. (shrink)

Interprets the Letters as a literary unity (designed almost as a novel by Plato) and provides insight into and information about Plato's self-understanding and his overall intentions as an author of his dialogues.

Numenius is one of the most important authors who, in the Imperial Age, deal with the figure of Socrates. Socrates is important in the Platon­ic tradition, in particular in the sceptical tradition, when the Socratic dubitative “spirit” of the first Platonic dialogues became important to justify the “suspension of judgement.” Numenius criticises the whole Academic tradition by saying that the Academics (particularly the sceptics) betrayed the original doctrine of Plato and formulated a new image of Socrates. For Numenius, Socrates plays (...) a central role because Plato would have inherited his doctrine. What does Socrates’s doctrine consist in? According to Numenius, Socrates theorised a “doctrine of three Gods” (which can be likely found in the second Platonic epistle) which is strictly bound up with the main aspect of Plato’s thought. In fact, in Numenius’s view, Plato belongs to a genealogy which can be linked to Pythagoras himself. From this perspective, Numenius says that Socrates’s original thought is a theology which also belongs to the Pythagorean tradition and which Plato further developed. For Nume­nius, Socrates is not the philosopher of doubt, but a theologian who first theorised the existence of three levels of reality (Gods), which is also the kernel of Numenius’s metaphysical system. For this reason, Numenius puts Socrates within a theological genealogy that begins with Pythago­ras and continues with Socrates and Plato, and that the Academics and the Socratics failed to understand. (shrink)

This chapter demonstrates that the Seventh Letter, explicitly and throughout its entirety, thematizes hearing and listening, and it comprises an exhortation to listen well. After laying down groundwork showing that logos must include listening, not merely assertion or expression, the chapter first demonstrates the political significance of the exhortation to listen based on a unified reading of the Letter that conjoins the concerns of the so-called digression with the rest of its content. It situates the “weakness of logos” taken up (...) in the digression, which most scholars treat in an ontological-linguistic weakness, as an aural phenomenon within the Letter’s distinctly political aims. That is to say, the “weakness of logos,” referred to in the so-called digression is also a weakness of hearers and hearing and is thus a political weakness, as well. The chapter then goes on to argue that the politics of listening in the Seventh Letter, as well as in some aspects of Socratic dialectic, rely necessarily on certain forms of domination or compelled listening, and I therefore consider the links between hearing and tyranny in the Letter. Finally, I speculate on what a more liberated politics of listening and hearing might look like and what role the Platonic writings might play as a propaedeutic to better listening in the city. I conclude by arguing that because of the “weakness of logos,” Plato’s task is inherently paradoxical: Plato calls us to hear what we are not yet able to hear, tyrannizing in order to liberate our sense of hearing. (shrink)

Working against the recent arguments against Plato’s authorship of the Seventh Letter in the Anglophone scholarship, this paper demonstrates the historical possibility that Plato wrote his letters for philosophical purposes, most likely in competition with Isocrates, who skilfully used the literary genre of letters for his rhetorical and philosophical purposes. Because Isocrates and Plato experimented with various writing styles in response to each other, letters and autobiographies may well have been their common devices. The paper concludes that we should respect (...) the tradition that had included and respected the Seventh Letter as Plato’s own writing. (shrink)

This is a defence of the authenticity of Plato’s Epistula vii against the recent onslaught by Frede and Burnyeat (2015). It focusses on what Ep. vii has to say about writing and the embedded philosophical Digression and evaluates this in the context of other mainly late dialogues. In the Cratylus, Socrates ends with resignation regarding the potential of language study as a source of truth. This is also the case in Ep. vii, where the four means of knowledge (names, definitions, (...) images (diagrams) and knowledge/insight/true opinion) do not offer the essence of reality due to the weakness of language, in this case owing to a diagram with contrary properties. Consequently, name and definition are impermanent and conventional. Contra Burnyeat, definition is not impossible but useful in the acquisition of knowledge. Only after dialectical examination comes a flash of insight into reality. So, reality (truth) must, as in the Cratylus, be studied directly. Significantly for Plato (as opposed to Socrates), the epistemology is illustrated by a mathematical case. Hence it is relevant to look at mathematical procedure in middle and late dialogues. Moreover, the possible role of division is considered. Finally, the critique of writing justified by the Digression is placed in the context of the general aversion to the written word. The epistemology of the Digression is shown to be a fair and competent synopsis of the later Plato’s epistemology. Hence, there seems to be no reason thus far to doubt that Ep. vii is a genuine work of Plato. (shrink)

The discussion on the authenticity of Plato’s Seventh Letter should consider its distinct parts, some incongruences between them and the editorial process of Plato’s later works. The number of times Plato has given advice and the number of travels to Sicily are differently indicated in the letter. These incongruences could be a sign of different Platonic texts being assembled by an ‘editor,’ becoming a relevant matter for the analysis of the text and its authorship.

이 글은 플라톤의 「제 7서한」에 대한 여러 학자들의 진위 논쟁의 역사에 대한 문헌들을 정리한 것이다. 대부분의 학자들이 플라톤의 생애를 논할 때 이 편지를 전거로 삼는다. 뿐만 아니라 그가 첫 번째 쉬라쿠사이 방문에서 돌아온 직후 집필한 『국가』의 주요 정치철 학인 ‘철인치자론’을 설명할 때에도 이 서한은 중요한 전거가 된다. 동시에 그의 마지막 작품인 법률 에 등장하는 ‘최선의 법에 의한 통치’라는 새로운 정치 사상으로의 변화나 파이드로스 의 문자비판도 항상 제 7서한 과 관련지어 설명되고는 한다. 그럼에도 불구 하고 많은 학자들이 이 편지 자체를 중요한 (...) 작품으로 언급하기를 꺼려하는데, 그것은 기나 긴 위작 논쟁의 역사가 이 편지에 대한 직접적인 연구를 가로막고 있기 때문이다. 이 논문은 플라톤의 「제 7서한」을 비롯한 고대 시대의 서간문학의 등장과, 어떻게 고대 에 위조편지가 등장하게 되었는지, 그리고 서한들에 대한 진위논쟁의 역사가 어떤 식으로 찬성과 반대라는 양쪽의 입장 사이에서 흔들리고 있는지를 간략하게 보여주는 것을 그 목적으로 하고 있다. 그 과정에서 근거가 되는 것들이 무엇인지를 밝히고, 현재의 분위가 ‘진작’임을 옹호하는 추세로 변하게 되었음을 설명하고자 한다. 그러나 이러한 현재의 분위기에서 21세기 들어서 다시 플라톤 연구에 있어서 중요한 두 명의 학자가 위작의 가 능성을 제기했기에, 그들이 제기한 그 근거가 무엇인지를 밝힐 것이다. 동시에 그 근거의 불충분함을 설명하고, 「제 7서한」의 진작의 가능성과 더불어 서한에 대한 연구의 필요성 에 대해 이야기하고자 한다. (shrink)

Thomas More’s 1516 Utopia describes a ‘fictitious’ republic on an imaginary island, and draws heavily on ancient political ideas. This paper explores the difficulties of applying the term ‘utopia’ to Plato’s political thinking, given that More’s term is anachronistically applied to ancient texts. The projects of the Republic and Laws should not be interpreted as ‘utopian’, but as blueprints for a foundation such as a new city, rather than as imagined ideal cities after More’s model. Support for Plato’s practical involvement (...) in matters of political foundation is drawn from the Seventh Letter. The Republic and the Laws are discussed not as utopias, but political manifestos. The political context in which Plato lived, and his objectives, gives his political writings a wholly different dimension. The goal of the Republic and the Laws is not to describe unrealizable constitutions, but to exchange the Athenian constitution of Plato’s time for another. (shrink)

This paper explores the political thought and literary devices contained in the pseudo-PlatonicEighth Letter, treating it as a later response to the political thought and literary style of Plato, particularly the exploration of the mixed constitution and the mechanisms for the restraint of monarchical power contained in theLaws. It examines the specific historical problems of this letter, and works through its supposed Sicilian context, its narrator's assessment of the situation, and the lengthy prosopopoeia of the dead Syracusan politician Dion, before (...) concluding with a consideration of its contribution to our knowledge of Greek political thought after Plato. (shrink)

This book is born from a desire to understand how Plato influenced and was influenced by the intellectual culture of Western Greece, the ancient Hellenic cities of Sicily and Southern Italy. In 2018, a seminar on Plato at Syracuse was organized, in which a small group of scholars discussed a new translation of the Seventh Letter and several essays on the topic. The seminar was intense but friendly, having attracted a diverse group of scholars that ranged from graduate students to (...) senior professors, hailing from at least three different continents, and representing a variety of academic specialties. We tried to create a book that would invite further study of the topic by identifying new questions to be asked while addressing enduring issues. The essays consider the historical, political, and philosophical implications of Plato’s involvement in Syracuse. They also look at the reception of his voyage among fellow philosophers, ancient and modern. Readers may come to their own conclusions, but one thing is clear: the history of philosophy was profoundly influenced by Plato’s voyages in Western Greece. The book begins with a new translation of Plato’s Seventh Letter by Jonah Radding, as well as the epitaph for Dion attributed to Plato. An introduction by editors Heather Reid and Mark Ralkowski is followed by essays from Carolina Araújo, Christos C. Evangeliou, Filippo Forcignanò, Francisco J. Gonzalez, Jill Gordon, Andrew Hull, Tony Leyh, Marina Marren, Mary R. McHugh, Robert Metcalf, Marion Theresa Schneider, Karen Sieben, and Nickolas Pappas. (shrink)

If we accept the 7th letter as authentic and reliable, a matter that we will not be addressing in this paper, the text that we have in front of us is “an extraordinary autobiographic document”, an autobiography where the “I” as a subject becomes “I” as an object, according to Brisson. The objective of the paper is to examine how we could approach and interpret the excerpt from Plato’s 7th letter regarding the Doric way of life (Δωριστὶ ζῆν). According to (...) Plato, the Sicilian life (Σικελικὸν βίον) that was allegedly a blissful life (βίος εὐδαίμων) would never allow anyone to become virtuous with all these excesses on behalf of the appetitive part of the soul (ἐπιθυμητικόν). In contrast to this specific type of life that is presented as prevalent in the 7th Letter, only Dion used to live virtuously above pleasure and luxury. The “therapy” for this φλεγμαίνουσαν πόλιν of Syracuse is the return to Δωριστὶ ζῆν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια, the return to the Doric way of the forefathers. The phrase Δωριστὶ ζῆν in its context in the 7th Letter is an important one, because it probably shows the significance of adopting the Doric way of life, in order to create the appropriate conditions for a political reform. Examining the guardians who are the ἄριστοι of the ideal city, a class that constitutes the platonic idea of aristocracy in the Republic, we can understand that they receive many important traits from the Doric ideal (especially the educational program). Combining the concept of Δωριστὶ ζῆν with the Doric ideal, we suggest that the Doric model is quite important for the Athenian philosopher functioning as the cornerstone of reform. (shrink)

In several iterations of the Gnostic ontogenetic myth, we find variations on an intriguing notion: namely, that the first rupture in the otherwise eternal and continuous procession of ‘aeons’ in the divine ‘pleroma’ is caused by a cognitive overreach and failure (the “fall of Sophia”). As much as it might contain a distant echo of certain myths concerning hubris in the classical tradition or in biblical literature, this general schema of cognitive overreach—cognitive failure—fall has no obvious parallel in Greek philosophy (...) prior to Plotinus, in some of whose more pessimistic accounts of hypostatic procession we find a similar schema, in which the generation of each ontological stratum occurs as the result of a cognitive failure on the superjacent level. If Plotinus borrowed this schema from the Gnostics, one might ask how the latter came up with it in the first place. In response, this paper makes the following three points. [1] Gnostic thinkers ultimately derived this schema from a particular juxtaposition of two profoundly aporetic Platonic passages referring to the travails of the individual soul, one certainly genuine (the description of the unexplained but catastrophic fall of the soul that fails to follow the heavenly train of the gods through the intelligible realm at Phaedrus 248c2-d3), the other quite possibly spurious (the claim that the cause of all evils is the desire, and the failure, of the soul to understand the nature of the notoriously enigmatic ‘King,’ ‘Second,’ and ‘Third,’ at 2nd Letter 312e1-313a6). [2] The Platonizing Sethian Gnostics closest to Plotinus also employed this latter source text to justify their conception of the individual soul, whose vicissitudes were understood to parallel those of Sophia. [3] This hypothesis is confirmed by evidence of tacit anti-Gnostic argumentation alluding to the 2nd Letter throughout Plotinus’ oeuvre. (shrink)

The Seventh Platonic Letter describes Plato's attempts to turn the ruler of Sicily, Dionysius II, into a philosopher ruler along the lines of the Republic. It explains why Plato turned from politics to philosophy in his youth and how he then tried to apply his ideas to actual politics later on. It also sets out his views about language, writing and philosophy. But is it genuine? Scholars have debated the issue for centuries. The origin of this book was a seminar (...) given in Oxford in 2001 by Myles Burnyeat and Michael Frede, two of the most eminent scholars of ancient philosophy in recent decades. They question the authenticity of the letter head-on by showing how its philosophical content conflicts with what we find in the Platonic dialogues. They also reflect on the question of why the Letter was written, whether as an attempt to exculpate Plato from the charge of meddling in politics, or as an attempt to portray, through literary means, the ways in which human weakness and emotions can lead to disasters in political life. (shrink)

Text of Plato's 7th Letter with Italian translation and commentary.

This volume presents essays and seminars by Myles Burnyeat and Michael Frede, two of the most eminent scholars of ancient philosophy in recent decades, on the fascinating and much-debated Seventh Platonic Letter. They question the authenticity of the letter by showing how its philosophical content conflicts with the Platonic dialogues.

This article pretends to provide a reading of the Seventh Letter focused on the role that medical terminology plays in it. Leaving aside the unsolvable enigma of Plato’s authorship, the letter shows evident connections with fundamental topics from the “last” Plato, particularly in its political aspects. In many passages of the Seventh Letter, the figure of the philosopher as an educator appears covered with medical aspects, and the political situation is defined as a pathology that we must treat according to (...) a therapeutic methodology. (shrink)

Originally published in 1932, this book contains an English translation of the thirteen Epistles of Plato. Harward also provides a detailed introduction on the history of Sicily in the time of Plato, and examines the letters' claims to authenticity. This book will be of value to anyone with an interest in Sicilian history, Platonic philosophy or ancient letter writing.

Nossa leitura da Carta Sétima parte do pressuposto segundo o qual o filosofar instaura-se sobre um exercício dialético incessante entre fenomenologia e hermenêutica do real. Objetivamos aqui, por um lado, justificar a atualidade e a pertinência da hermenêutica filosófica bem como sua apropriada aplicação aos textos filosóficos e, por outro, elucidar o que julgamos ser o cerne da carta em questão, ou seja, indicar traços fundamentais da verdadeira filosofia e, portanto, dos verdadeiros filósofos segundo nossa leitura do escrito de Platão. (...) Nossa reflexão, em seu conjunto, pretende configurar uma espécie de resposta à carta de Platão, apontando, assim, nossa posição sobre o exercício filosófico atual. Articularemos nosso propósito sobre dois momentos interconectados entre si: iniciaremos elucidando alguns pressupostos hermenêuticos de leitura do texto platônico com o escopo de explicitar nossos elogios à verdadeira filosofia. Our reading of the Seventh Letter starts from the assumption that philosophizing is based on an unceasing dialectical exercise that moves between phenomenology and hermeneutics of the real. Our goal here is, on the one hand, to justify the relevance and pertinence of philosophical hermeneutics and its appropriate application to philosophical texts and, on the other hand, to point out what we see as the core of that letter, viz. sketching the basic features of true philosophy and thus of true philosophers according to our reading of Plato's writing. As a whole, our reflection intends to be a kind of response to Plato's letter as it presents our position about the present exercise of philosophy. This is done through two interconnected moments: we begin by discussing some hermeneutical assumptions of the reading of Plato's text, then we express our praise of true philosophy. (shrink)

This chapter contains sections titled: Introduction The Seventh Letter on Writing The Seventh Letter on Ways of Life.

R. S. Bluck’s engaging volume provides an accessible introduction to the thought of Plato. In the first part of the book the author provides an account of the life of the philosopher, from Plato’s early years, through to the Academy, the first visit to Dionysius and the third visit to Syracuse, and finishing with an account of his final years. In the second part contains a discussion of the main purpose and points of interest of each of Plato’s works. There (...) is a chapter on Plato’s central doctrine, the Theory of Ideas, and a translation of Plato’s _Seventh Letter_, which not only provides valuable additional material for the study of Plato’s thought but also contains a vivid account of many incidents in Plato’s life. (shrink)

This paper will focus on what is perhaps the most characteristic doctrine of Numenius: that which taking into account what is said in the Second Letter attributed to Plato, affirms the existence of three gods. By analyzing some preserved fragments, I try to offer an overview of numenian theology to thereby specify the particularity of Numenius’ thought in the context of Platonism of his time, fact that makes him one of the most relevant predecessors of Plotinus’s system.

This article investigates the relation between Language and Being as it is articulated in the so-called philosophical digression of Plato‘s alleged Seventh Letter. Here the author of the letter claims, in contrast to the testimony of Plato‘s many dialogues, that there has never been and there will never be any written word on Plato‘s philosophy; and in addition, as if this was not sufficiently perplexing, he goes on to explain that the matters of philosophy do in fact not admit of (...) verbal expression at all. (shrink)

A classical article by John Rist, "Neopythagoreanism and 'Plato's' Second Letter", Phronesis 10 78-81 in a Russian translation by Anna Afonasina.

In narrative style, Plato and the Founding of the Academy illustrates how the dialogue usually known as the Republic is constructed on the basis of simple but technical mathematical and harmonical principles, or numbers.

La VI Epistola platonica, ad una considerazione attenta, si rivela una lettera spuria, pervasa tutta di esotericità e di misticismo. Essa si ricollega al gruppo delle lettere pitagorizzanti dello pseudo-Platone.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:The Rhetoric of Philosophical Politics in Plato's Seventh LetterV. Bradley LewisThe name Syracuse has come to stand as an emblem of the problematic relationship between philosophy and politics. While the sources1 differ on specifics, we can be confident that Plato visited there at least three times between 387 and 362 B.C. On his first trip, during the reign of Dionysius I, he became acquainted with Dion, the tyrant's brother-in-law. (...) When the elder Dionysius died, Dion, a devotee of philosophy, apparently contrived for the old man's son, namesake, and successor to invite Plato back, believing that the young tyrant could be philosophically educated and convinced to lay down tyranny in favor of a new regime based on the rule of law. The plan was defeated, however, by a combination of Dionysius's dissolute life and opposition by Dion's enemies at court. Dion was exiled, and Plato returned to the Academy. Dion implored Plato to return to Syracuse on the basis of reports of Dionysius II's renewed resolution to take up philosophy and by the tyrant himself (who seems to have made some thinly veiled threats against the still-exiled Dion). Plato's second visit to Dionysius was no more successful than the first, however, and he considered himself fortunate to have escaped with his life. After a meeting at which Plato recounted the events of his final trip, Dion marshaled an expeditionary force, which included volunteers from the Academy, and set out to expel Dionysius II by violence. The effort succeeded, but the new regime was itself riven by faction, and Dion was assassinated in 353.2The principal legacy of this ill-starred episode is contained in the letters that have come down to us under the name of Plato, particularly those numbered seven and eight. Scholarly discussion of Plato's Seventh Letter has usually focused on three questions: the doctrinal content of the letter and its relationship to the doctrinal content of the dialogues; the character of the letter as an apologia for Plato's Syracusan activities; and the general authenticity of the letter. While the second of these questions focuses correctly [End Page 23] on the rhetorical character of the letter, it ignores the most obvious aspect, namely, the letter's explicit addressees: the friends and comrades of Dion, and their request for political advice. If we take this rhetorical element with sufficient seriousness, we will see that the content of the letter is fully consistent with the teachings of the political dialogues, a point that tells in favor of the authenticity of the letter. Specifically, a focus on the rhetorical character of the letter reveals that its content is determined mostly by what emerges as an effort by Plato to influence his correspondents by moderating their understandable desire for vengeance and thus to forestall further bloodshed and disorder in Syracuse. What is most important about the letter, then, is not so much its account of Plato's actions in Syracuse, but its unveiling of his intentions with respect to Dion's followers. It is not the philosophical-political blueprint, sketched vaguely in the Seventh Letter, that is most important,3 but the concrete effort to mitigate the passions of his correspondents. Read in this light, the letter becomes even more important, since it contradicts the popular image of Plato as a proponent of dangerous political utopianism and portrays a more subtle relationship between philosophy and politics.1. Dion's intentions, Plato's apologyTo the extent that the rhetoric of the letter has been treated, commentators have usually focused on Plato's (or whoever the author) defense of his own actions in Sicily.4 While there is certainly warrant for this approach, the most important fact about the letter concerns its intended audience, the "relatives and comrades of Dion."5 As Plato explains in the opening of the letter, these are the men who have sought not only his advice, but his cooperation in completing the political project halted by Dion's death at the hands of several of his other purported "allies."The most striking feature of the rhetorical structure is that, while the letter... (shrink)

This essay sheds light on Plato’s Seventh Epistle. The five elements of Plato’s epistemological structure in the Epistle are the name, the definition, the image, the resultant knowledge itself (the Fourth) and the proper object of knowledge (the Form, or the Fifth). Much of contemporary Western philosophy has obsessed over Plato’s Fifth, relegating its existence to Plato’s faulty imagination after skillful linguistic analyses of the First (name) and the Second (definition). However, this essay argues against this reduction of knowledge to (...) linguistic propositions, proposing that it is critical for the purposes of philosophical rectification to draw present attention to the 'Fourth', a final cognitive experience that Plato called ‘knowledge.’ In the Seventh Epistle, it is argued, Plato attempts to show that knowledge is possible which is not reducible to semantics or conventional definitions. For Plato, to acquire knowledge of the circle required a process of cogitation that continually thought about the different elements until it became clear that the knowledge of a circle could not be reduced to one of its elements (i.e., name or definition). The essay then suggests that the Fourth consists of the union of meaning, and the consciousness or understanding of that meaning that is the knowledge of the Eidos. The 'meaning' must be apprehended by the philosopher, and it is the very apprehension of the meaning that constitutes the knowledge experience for the philosopher. If students of philosophy are encouraged to experience and rediscover great moments of philosophical insight, a better understanding of the purpose of philosophical inquiry and a greater admiration for the work of past philosophers can be gained. At the same time, a new path can be paved and a substantial direction can be posited for the discovery of new philosophical truths, which will be the task of all philosophers of the future. (shrink)