19th Century Russian Social and Political Philosophy

A murder of an Afro-American detainee by a policeman at the end of May 2020 caused a public outrage in the United States, which led to a campaign against the monuments to historical figures whose reputation, according to the protesters, was marred by racism. Some German publicists, impressed by the campaign, initiated an analogous search for racists among the national thinkers and politicians of the past. Suddenly Kant emerged as a ‘scapegoat’. This statement is an attempt to assess such reactions (...) from the perspective of Russia’s experience. (shrink)

Russian philosopher Pyotr Chaadaev (1794–1856) declared Russia to be a non-place in both space and time, a singular nothingness without history, topos, or footing, without relation or attachment to the world-historical tradition culminating in Christian-European modernity. This paper recovers Chaadaev’s conception of nothingness as that which, unbound by tradition, constitutes a total, even revolutionary ungrounding of the world-whole. Working with and through Chaadaev’s key writings, we trace his articulation of immanent nothingness or the void of the Real as completely emptying (...) out the mechanisms of history and tradition, thereby putting also into question the basic conceptual machinery of modernity. Chaadaev’s position appears, as a result, not only as a neglected genealogical element to contemporary critiques of modernity and its logic of reproduction through tradition and futurity but also as a contribution to the ongoing critical rethinking of this logic in contemporary theory. (shrink)

This paper speculatively reconstructs the unique intervention that Pyotr Chaadaev, the early nineteenth-century Russian thinker, made into the political-theological debate. Instead of positioning sovereignty and exception against each other, Chaadaev seeks to think the (Russian) exception immanently, affirming its nonrelation to, and even nullity or nothingness vis-à-vis, the (European, Christian-modern) world-historical regime—and to theorize the logic of sovereignty that could arise from within this nullity. As a result, we argue, nothingness itself becomes, in Chaadaev, operative through and as the sovereign (...) act and the figure of the sovereign, exemplified for him by the Russian emperor Peter the Great (1672–1725). (shrink)

У статті здійснено аналіз провідних концепцій російської софіології – трансформації «теорії всеєдності» В. Соловйова. Російський спосіб філософствування постає як несвідоме міфологізування, де в підсумку Софія виступає як персоніфікація Космосу – опозиція вселенському Хаосу, що є загальним місцем усіх зазначених концепцій. Проте опозиційні категорії космосу – хаосу є характерним маркером «священного» міфу. Отже, російська інтелектуальна думка, занурившись у Софію, створила інваріант софіології як топос міфопоетики, що розроблялася у формі авторського (вторинного)міфу. Специфічна російська софіологія постала як реакція на політичні події усвідомленого «есхатологічного» (...) кінця «русского міра» напередодні його краху на тлі революційних змін 1917 р. (shrink)

Book review: Fedyukin, Igor. The Enterprisers. The Politics of Schools in Early Modern Russia (Oxford: Oxford Univercity Press, 2019), 318 р.

This paper restates and subjects to analysis the polemics in Russian pre-revolutionary Populist and Marxist thought that concerned Kant’s practical philosophy. In these polemics Kantian ideas influence and reinforce the Populist personalism and idealism, as well as Marxist revisionist reformism and moral universalism. Plekhanov, Lenin, and other Russian “orthodox Marxists” heavily criticize both trends. In addition, they generally view Kantianism as a “spiritual weapon” of the reactionary bourgeois thought. This results in a starkly anti-Kantian position of Soviet Marxism. In view (...) of this the 1947 Communist Party decision to preserve Kant’s tomb in Soviet Kaliningrad becomes something of an experimentum crucis that challenges the soundness of the theory. (shrink)

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This is a review of Thomas Nemeth's Kant in Imperial Russia, Cham: Springer, 2017. It gives a rundown of the contents of the book, which may be considered the definitive, comprehensive, and authoritative overview of the Kantrezeption in pre-Soviet Russia in the English language. The book proceeds chronologically, starting from Kant's days up to the Bolshevik Revolution, examining well-known and lesser-known Russian philosophers and thinkers as well as figures of other nationalities who contributed to the dissemination of Kant's ideas in (...) Russia, from intellectuals like Nikolai Karamzin, who paid Kant a visit during his travels, to Mikhail Vladislavlev, Vladimir Solovyov, Aleksej Kozlov, Aleksandr Vvedenskij, Lev Lopatin, Nikolai Berdjaev, the brothers Trubeckoj, Georgij Chelpanov, Gustav Shpet, Pavel Novgorodcev, Ivan Lapshin, Vladimir Ern, Nikolai Losskij, Boris Jakovenko, and many others. The review emphasizes the principal outcome of the book, which is that the Russian reception of Kant's philosophy was largely negative. (shrink)

This book explores Dostoevsky as a political thinker from his religious and philosophical foundation to nineteenth-century European politics and how themes that he had examined are still relevant for us today.

This paper analyzes the context of Y. F. Samarin’s letter to A. I. Herzen from May 9, 1858, examines relationship between Herzen and a coterie of Slavophiles, highlights the intellectual proximity of Herzen to Slavophiles in the 1850s, and examines Samarin’s reaction to Herzen’s memoir characterization of the Slavophiles of 1840s which he gave in «My past and thoughts».

The philosophy of culture and the philosophy of history were the popular topics of the developing Russian history of philosophy in the 19th and early 20th centuries. In the following article, A. I. Herzen’s socio-cultural project is examined and compared with the Slavophiles’Christian communal socialism. Herzen’s type of socialism appears to be a specific variant of the Russian national culture as the Slavophiles depicted.

Alexander Herzen was the most outstanding figure in the early period of the Russian revolutionary movement. Lenin claimed him as a forerunner of the Bolsheviks, and Soviet scholars have sought to establish his latent sympathy with Marxism. In the west on the other hand, he has been seen as a precursor of Solzhenitsyn, the personification of protest against all forms of oppression. Dr Acton provides a compelling intellectual biography. The focus is on the years between 1847 and 1863. Herzen's ideas (...) are set in the context of those political developments and dramatic private experiences that affected his outlook. His profound faith in human nature and in the inevitable triumph of socialism was undermined not only by the failure of the revolutions of 1848, but even more deeply by personal catastrophe - the discovery of the infidelity of his beautiful wife Natalie. This dual blow, Dr Acton shows, had a decisive impact upon Herzen's approach to Russian problems. It lay at the root of the ambivalent attitude he adopted towards peasant revolution in the critical period of Emancipation. (shrink)

The article constitutes an attempt at reconstructing the views of Aleksander Radishchev, the 18th and 19th century Russian writer and thinker. In considering his most famous work, the novel A Journey from Petersburg to Moscow, the author questions the validity of the decade-long held opinion of Radishchev as the precursor of Russian intellectual consciousness. In analysing various motifs within his thought – his political programme, historiosophy, and moral philosophy he shows that Radishchev was at the same time an advocate of (...) modernisation and a pessimist aware of its very limitations. This determines the difference between his position and that occupied later by intellectual progressivism and allows one to consider him as the precursor of contemporary post-Enlightenment consciousness. (shrink)

This book studies the work of five Russian liberal thinkers who were active in the period 1840-60 against the general background of Russian history, literature and thought in that period. All five thinkers (to each of whom a separate chapter is devoted) played an important part in the flowering of Russian letters in the 1840s, and were involved in the attempt of the intelligentsia, the conscience of the nation, to bring more humane and enlightened values to their backward and semi-feudal (...) country. By the 1850s, when a more radical wing began to emerge in the intelligentsia, the moderation of these liberals became more apparent. While the radicals were prepared to countenance revolutionary upheaval, the liberals counselled patience, toleration, and gradualism. In his conclusion Dr Offord explores the possible reasons for the failure of the liberal tendency, represented by these thinkers, to establish itself properly in Russia. (shrink)

This paper is an examination of the ideas of the Russian philosopher and literary critic N. Strakhov’s , expressed in his article The Fateful Question . In this paper he contended that the conflict between Poland and the Russian Empire has not been just a „Polish mutiny” but a „conflict of civilizations”. Strakhov also pointed out that the conflicts of civilizations are being provoked by the idea of „cultural mission” or by the desire of some European nations to impose their (...) cultural values on other nations. By pointing out to the fact the idea of the conflict of civilizations was used later by many thinkers, from N. Danilevsky to S. Huntington, the author emphasizes the striking pertinence of Strakhov’s ideas to the problems and issues of our contemporaneity. Key words CONFLICT OF CIVILISATIONS, CULTURAL VALUES. (shrink)

Theorists of the Russian conservatism have made a considerable contribution to the development of axiology, the philosophy of history and comparativistics. In their studies of the local civilisations existing at different times and at different places they have focused on the dynamics of their origin, development, collapse or transformation into new civilisational forms. The best known slavophiles such as A. Khomyakov, K. Axakov, I. Kireyevskiy saw the mission of the Russian civilisation in synthesising Europe and Russia which has preserved the (...) true Christianity – the Orthodoxy. According to N. Danilevskiy, the founder of the culturohistorical school of thought, Europe has an irreconcilable hostility towards Russia. He proves that Europe and Russia are two different culturohistoricaltypes (local civilisations). He understood Russia’s mission as that of unification of Slavic peoples. K. Leontiev develops the so-called theory of Byzantism, according to which the West is doomed and Russia will be saved thanks to its Orthodoxy and the oriental despotism underlying its statehood. He advocates a merger between Russian and oriental traditions. From the point of view of the proponents of the Eurasian theory such as P. Savitskiy, N. Trubetskoy, etc., the merger has already occurred, so Russians should be viewed as Eurasians and Russia as a Eurasian civilisation. Russian thinkers were criticising the so-called Eurocentrism in their efforts to prove that progress should be measured not only by the accumulation of material wealth, but also by the development of various spiritual aspects of human beings. The anthroposociogenesis does not have any predetermined patterns, its development is of co-evolutionary, often broken, discrete nature. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to present the thought of Henry Kamieński , the author of „Russia and Europe. Poland. The Introduction to the Research into Russia and Russians”; the work is regarded as the most important and original analysis of Russian Empire, that was written in the 19th century by a Pole. Kamieński, the philosopher, the sociologist and economist tried to inform compatriots and international opinion about the complexity of Polish-Russian relationship, described in the wide social, economic and (...) geopolitical background. As a participant of November Uprising , the theorist of democratic movement and the Siberian exile, he regarded Russian issues as important not only from Polish point of view but also the European one. He pointed to civilization threats, that could result from the lack of understanding of Empire of Tsars. Russian Empire, the state without history, institutions, law and without freedom, that indicated the course of history of Western Europe, can become the reason of the decline of civilization. What is more, the submission of West Europe to Moscow, an underestimating of its power and the lack of cultural initiative and ethic elements in international politics result in the fact that Europe continuously loses its significance with Moscow profiting from it. Therefore, if Poland does not find support in the West, it can be forced to make an alliance with Russia, thus marking the beginning of the Slavic Empire, the seed of new Europe. (shrink)

The study addresses the dilemmas inherent in the concept of ,,free theocracy'' as put forward by Vladimir Solovyov. Solovyov's theocratic ideas with ,,God-man'' are confronted with Fyodor Dostoevsky's conceptions. The author of the study argues that although Solovyov's ideal was an ambitious attempt to preserve crucial premises of the Christian world, it achieved the aim at the price of grave illusions concerning human freedom and ways of fulfilling the ideal, and therefore it was charged with a totalitarian potential. The author (...) concludes that Solovyov's vision of worldwide theocracy cannot be called a successful project; despite that, his ideas may be approached as a challenge in the context of both the contemporary Russia's search for identity and serious dilemmas for the unifying Europe.Key words SOLOVYOV, THEOCRACY. (shrink)

Pp. 351-399, "The Jewish Question", deal with Solovyov's position vis-a-vis problems related to the presence of Jews in Russia, in particular his attitudes toward Judaism, the discussion on the rights of Jews in the Empire, and antisemitism. As a person who knew Hebrew and read the Jewish Scriptures and Talmud, thus being a specialist in Judaism unique in Russia at the time, Solovyov struggled against reductionist and pejorative views on Jews and Judaism, and defended the Talmud against slander by Rohling (...) and other anti-Jewish scholars. Solovyov regarded the Jews as the key to the future world-unifying theocracy that he visualized. Although he shared some anti-Jewish cliches, Solovyov maintained that conflict with Jews resulted from a misunderstanding of their social role in Russia, and he was committed to improvement of their conditions. He claimed that the roots of the "Jewish question" lay in the Christian rather than the Jewish way of life and values. (shrink)

This volume brings together the religious and philosophical writings of the founders of Russian religious philosophy, Aleksei Khomiakov and Ivan Kireevsky. Both began their intellectual careers in the literary world of the 1820s. The texts collected here make the philosophical concepts of Sobornost (community, universality, wholeness, ecumenicity) and integral knowledge, available to western readers. Based on the primacy of the heart, the spiritual wholeness of the human being and the cognitive will, integral knowing moves beyond rationality to union with the (...) object of knowledge in knowing. This book provides an introduction to Russian religious philosophy, and a profound, meditative text for anyone concerned with human and spiritual unity. Also included are two responses to Slavophile ideas by the prominent Russian philosophers Pavel Florensky and Nikolai Berdiaev. (shrink)

This book explores central issues of modern Russian religious thought by focusing on the work of Soloviev and three religious philosophers who further developed his ideas in the early twentieth century: P. A. Florensky, Sergei Bulgakov, and ...

The interest of Russian intellectuals in the French Revolution demonstrates that some Russian thinkers of the 19th century had begun to question the concept of Russia's uniqueness. Yet most of them came to believe that the French Revolution (which they tended to equate with the Western experience) was irrelevant not only to Russia but to the rest of the world as well. They saw, perhaps correctly, that the Western experience, with the French Revolution as its symbol, was foreign to Russian (...) destiny. Most of the Russian intellectuals of that time had rightly foreseen Russia, and to some degree the rest of the world's future, as following an authoritarian/totalitarian model of development. (shrink)

The most important figure among Russia's radical Marxists was A.A. Bogdanov (the pseudonym of Aleksandr Aleksandrovich Malinovskii). Not only was he the prime exponent of a proletarian cultural revolution; it was Bogdanov's ideas which provided justification for concern for the environment. And his ideas are not only important to environmentalists because they were associated with this conservation movement; more significantly they are of continuing relevance because they confront the root causes of environmental destruction in the present, and offer what is (...) perhaps the only way to overcome these causes. (shrink)