Animals can be used in many ways in science and scientific research. Given that society values sentient animals and that basic research is not goal oriented, the question is raised.

It is one of the central aims of the philosophy of science to elucidate the meanings of scientific terms and also to think critically about their application. The focus of this essay is the scientific term predict and whether there is credible evidence that animal models, especially in toxicology and pathophysiology, can be used to predict human outcomes. Whether animals can be used to predict human response to drugs and other chemicals is apparently a contentious issue. However, when one empirically (...) analyzes animal models using scientific tools they fall far short of being able to predict human responses. This is not surprising considering what we have learned from fields such evolutionary and developmental biology, gene regulation and expression, epigenetics, complexity theory, and comparative genomics. (shrink)

Nouvelle édition critique et traduction française annotée de la _Lettre à Marcella_ de Porphyre. Le philosophe néoplatonicien Porphyre (234-305) y adresse à sa femme un témoignage unique sur la manière dont une vie philosophique peut être conduite et se préserver. This book presents a new annotated and translated edition of neoplatonist 3rd-century Greek philosopher Porphyrius’ _Letter to Marcella_. This letter, adressed to his wife, gives a unique account on the ways and principles along which a philosophical life should be (...) led so as to perpetuate itself. (shrink)

This collection of essays, by Reding, in the emergent field of Sino-Hellenic studies, explores the neglected inchoative strains of rational thought in ancient China and compares them to similar themes in ancient Greek thought, right at the beginnings of philosophy in both cultures. Reding develops and defends the bold hypothesis that Greek and Chinese rational thinking are one and the same phenomenon. Rather than stressing the extreme differences between these two cultures - as most other writings on these (...) subjects - Reding looks for the parameters that have to be restored to see the similarities. Reding maintains that philosophy is like an unknown continent discovered simultaneously in both China and Greece, but from different starting-points. The book comprises seven essays moving thematically from conceptual analysis, logic and categories to epistemology and ontology, with an incursion in the field of comparative metaphorology. One of the book's main concerns is a systematic examination of the problem of linguistic relativism through many detailed examples. (shrink)

Sur un emprunt d'Empédocle au Bouclier hésiodique -- L'Empédocle magique de P. Kingsley -- Les cinq sources dont parle Empédocle -- La brillance de Nestis (Empédocle, fr. 96) -- Empédocle pouvait-il faire de la lune le séjour des Bienheureux? -- Les dieux du fr. 128 d'Empédocle et le mythe des races -- Sagesse face à parole de Zeus : une nouvelle lecture du fr. 123.3 DK d'Empédocle -- Apollon et la [phrḕn ierḕ kaì a̓thésphatos] (Empédocle, fr. 134 DK) -- Un (...) nom énigmatique de l'air chez Empédocle (fr. 21.4 DK) -- Penser le Bien et le Mal avec Empédocle -- Sphairos, ou le dieu chaché (sur le fr. 29 DK d'Empédocle) -- Apollon chez Empédocle -- Petite histoire d'une marginalisation (Empédocle, fr. 6 DK, les racines de toutes choses) -- Héra aux deux visages -- Empédocle et le spectacle divin de la réincarnation -- Annexe 1: Un aperçu des avis concernant la nature des daimones dans le Proème des Catharmes -- Annexe 2: Les colombes fuyant les éperviers dans les Suppliantes d'Eschyle. (shrink)

La question platonicienne est traversée par une énigme qui défie les interprètes depuis les travaux de Léon Robin, qui datent de plus d'un siècle. Platon a-t-il élaboré une doctrine, ou sa pensée est-elle tout entière contenue dans les dialogues? Autrement dit, y a-t-il un enseignement secret de Platon qui n'apparaîtrait pas dans son oeuvre écrite? Le témoignage des doxographes, à commencer par Aristote, laisse entendre que Platon a bien enseigné une doctrine, mais comment expliquer le silence des dialogues? Analysant l'étrange (...) passage du Timée qui s'articule sur la gamme pythagoricienne, J.-J. Duhot, qui a aussi été musicien professionnel, en a décrypté la clef, qui avait échappé aux interprètes : le Même code l'octave, soit le rapport 2, et l'Autre code la quinte, soit le rapport 3/2. Cette clef, indiscutable en elle-même, comme le démontre J.-J. Duhot, permet d'établir la grille de lecture qui éclaire toutes les obscurités du passage. On a donc là une double équivalence, entre métaphysique (Un/Multiple), acoustique (octave et quinte), et mathématiques (construction arithmétique de la gamme). J.-J. Duhot montre que c'est la matrice sur laquelle Platon construit son oeuvre et met en place le postulat de mathématicité du monde, qui sera la base de toute la science moderne, à partir de Galilée. La gamme du Timée offre un modèle mathématique, la division de 2 en produits de facteurs dans un système logarithmique, qui résout (métaphoriquement) les problèmes de l'Un et du Multiple. On voit ainsi apparaître un "cycle éléatique" dans lequel, au fil des dialogues, Parménide, Théétète, Sophiste et Politique, se met en place une véritable doctrine platonicienne. Doctrine secrète qui s'offre au lecteur qui sait en décrypter le code. (shrink)

Un nouveau mode de rapport au monde est ne en Grece ancienne: l'attitude critique, laquelle a marque durablement l'histoire occidentale pour ensuite s'imposer de plus en plus a l'echelle mondiale. Des ce moment beaucoup s'est joue, car l'independance de la pensee, le rapport questionnant au monde, le pur interet pour le connaitre, la tradition de la discussion critique et du franc-parler individuel - c'est-a-dire la tradition du rapport critique a la tradition - allaient non seulement penetrer a l'interieur meme des (...) doctrines juive, chretienne et musulmane pour en inflechir le cours, mais gagner a l'epoque moderne puis contemporaine leur espace propre dans la Cite. Inventeurs de la democratie et de la philosophie, les Grecs ont donne naissance a cet ethos-critique dont le mode d'etre, le pli culturel si l'on veut, n'allait plus nous quitter. En depit des detours et de tous les meandres, les Lumieres du XVIIIe, de meme qu'auparavant la Renaissance, se comprennent donc comme les fruits lointains des Lumieres antiques. Dit autrement, il n'y a rien d'absolument inedit dans la critique generale des croyances et l'atheisme moderne lui-meme, dans la recherche d'un fondement anthropologique a la Cite et a ses lois, dans la decouverte de la relativite des connaissances mais aussi des valeurs d'une culture a l'autre, dans l'exercice de la libre pensee, dans le questionnement radical porte sur la nature du lien politique et les meilleurs moyens d'assurer le bien-vivre-ensemble mais quelque chose comme le prolongement et l'elargissement dans l'espace moderne, de ce dont l'Athenes democratique a fourni le premier germe et la premiere impulsion. A relire les Grecs, generation apres generation, tous a des degres divers, Romains, Juifs, Chretiens, Musulmans, etc., s'inoculerent et se transmirent les uns les autres ce germe critique qui, selon les differents sols et les differentes periodes historiques, epousa des formes variees. Le present essai propose donc une relecture du monde moderne fondee sur une reinterpretation de l'input antique grec, une analyse qui tient compte de la nouvelle humanite, critique et reflechie, decouverte en Grece, et qui prend donc ses distances vis-a-vis des approches proposees par des auteurs comme H. Blumenberg (la Modernite releve d'une auto-affirmation absolument originale, d'une curiosite theoretique sans precedent dans l'histoire), M. Gauchet (le desenchantement du monde est un phenomene essentiellement moderne, la democratie d'aujourd'hui tout autre chose que la democratie antique), et R. Brague (l'Occident tient davantage de la Rome christianisee et hellenisee que d'Athenes). A partir de l'examen de cas concrets, tels que l'idee de creativite artistique dans l'Antiquite, l'agnosticisme ou l'atheisme, la satire sociale tous azimuts d'un Lucien de Samosate, on peut constater que la culture contemporaine n'est pas essentiellement differente mais reprend bien plutot le fil d'interrogations et d'audaces anciennes. Le monde moderne a rompu avec certains aspects de sa tradition, mais il n'a pas rompu avec son passe, celui plus ancien, qu'il redecouvre de maniere plus libre aujourd'hui. Le but de l'ouvrage n'est d'ailleurs aucunement de sacraliser l'hellenisme, mais de montrer que le potentiel critique, inscrit dans la dynamique meme de cette culture, peut nous aider a mieux faconner la societe ouverte de demain. (shrink)

Les transformations des philosophies hellénistiques constituent, dans l'histoire de la pensée morale entre Renaissance et Lumières, un phénomène d'une fécondité extraordinaire, capital à beaucoup d'égards pour l'étude des "transferts" entre mondes antiques et Europe de la première modernité. Le cas du scepticisme offre de ce point de vue un terrain d'investigation de premier ordre. Or les relations entre scepticisme et pensée morale envisagées dans la longue durée et dans la multiplicité de leurs variations, entre philosophie et littérature, n'ont pas été (...) jusqu'ici étudiées avec l'attention qu'elles méritent. La présente enquête collective a pour ambition de remettre en évidence la finalité essentiellement éthique du scepticisme."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

Ancient philosophers are often contrasted with contemporary philosophers because they view philosophy not as a profession, but a way of life. None did so more uncompromisingly, however, than Diogenes the Cynic, who chided even Socrates for occasionally wearing sandals and maintaining a small household. Diogenes's espousal of extreme poverty combined with a talent for exhibitionism and propensity for offense was taken by some to be merely childish and grounded in a desire for fame, but by others as an ideal form (...) of pure philosophical commitment. Beginning with his life as a banker's son in Sinope, this book traces the origins and effects of his exile and status as a foreigner in Athens and Corinth, his subsequent espousal of a life a poverty, and his development of a style of life that both he and others found comparable to a dog's in terms of its disregard for social norms and conventions. Much of Diogenes' practical philosophy took the form of his own distinctive bodily practices which were meant to reinforce Cynic freedom and self-sufficiency. By calling into question cultural conventions governing the body with respect to sexuality, athletics, clothing, hygiene, punishment, etc., his own dog-style life championed unrestrained free speech (parrhēsia), equality between the sexes, and a cosmopolitan view of the possibilities of a world rid of the evils caused by the pursuit of wealth, fame, and power. Throughout various historical periods, Diogenes has offered a fascinating alternative to conventional lives and served as a brave exemplar of absolute devotion to human freedom and equality. (shrink)

1 Hesiod's Myth of the Races: An Essay in Structural Analysis Hesiod's poem ' Works and Days' begins with the telling of two myths. ...

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Jean Wyatt THE CELEBRATION OF EROS: GREEK CONCEPTS OF LOVE AND BEAUTY IN TO THE LIGHTHOUSE A voracious reader all her life, Virginia Woolf stored up patterns and images which she naturally wove into the fabric of her novels.1 Integrating literature of the past into her own works was also an affirmation of her belief that "everything comes over again a little differently," as Eleanor says in (...) The Years. Acutely aware of the prevailing fluidity of human life, Virginia Woolf sought a counterbalance in the principle of eternal recurrence. The whole chain of human history forms a "gigantic pattern, momentarily perceptible." It becomes perceptible when elemental forces in human life coincide with the forms of individuals, "making them symbolical, making them representative."3 In Mrs. Ramsay, Virginia Woolf combines a personal portrait of her mother with an evocation of eternal life forces in the "symbolical outline" (p. Ill) of Aphrodite, goddess of love, beauty and marriage, that Mrs. Ramsay irradiates. Events, too, can be "symbolical, and therefore perhaps permanent," in the words of Bernard in The Waves, when they reflect the continuity of human experience. The dinner party in To the Lighthouse contains ritual elements, reminders that it is one in a series of communal feasts. The search for truth in the midst of human pleasures, by means of human love, recalls one such banquet in particular, the Symposium.'' The central concerns of the Symposium are those of To the Lighthouse: striving for knowledge through love; the desire to create that beauty arouses; the paradox of the eternal in the midst of the transitory. The figures and patterns of Greek literature were part of Virginia Woolf's mental formation. She began learning Greek at King's College in 1897, at the age of fifteen.6 For the next few years, Greek was her chief refuge from a stifling Victorian society. From 10:00 a.m. to 1:00 p.m. every day she read Greek: Homer, Aeschylus, Euripides, all of Sophocles, Plato. Twice a week she met for Greek lessons, first 160 Jean WyATT161 with Clara Pater, then with Janet Case. Her letters speak of Greek as "the greatest of comforts to me" (April, 1900), "my daily bread, and a keen delight to me" (June, 1900); it "has so much attraction for me... that I don't want to do anything else" (February, 1905).8 A diary entry from 1924 shows how Greek "worked its way" into her life. Upon meeting a herd of cattle, "I waved my stick and stood at bay; and thought of Homer.... some mimic battle. Grizzle grew more and more insolent and excited and skirmished about yapping. Ajax? That Greek, for all my ignorance, has worked its way into me." Seeing Grizzle as Ajax is not different in kind from transforming Mrs. Ramsay into Aphrodite, Mr. Carmichael into Poseidon. Greek was in the forefront of Virginia Woolf's mind in 1924 because she had been reading Greek steadily since 1922 in preparation for the article "On Not Knowing Greek." "The amount of reading... that went into the production of that essay... was remarkable," comments Quentin Bell. She published the essay in 1925, the year she began To the Lighthouse. "On Not Knowing Greek" shows that Virginia Woolf knew the Symposium well: she discusses it for four pages, not with the analytical lens of a literary critic, but with loving familiarity. She first read the Symposium when she was about sixteen, but her intimacy with it suggests that she must have read it more than once. At the center of the Symposium is Diotima's doctrine: man has to work through a series of human loves to arrive at the eternal. Lily pursues a similar quest for knowledge through love. She loves Mrs. Ramsay, but, unable to satisfy her love on a personal level, casts about for a way of reaching "the spirit in her, the essential thing" (p. 76). She finally finds a way of loving that takes her to the essence of things when, ten years after Mrs. Ramsay's death, she sees and loves a Mrs. Ramsay who transcends the individual to become the form of love and beauty. To understand the... (shrink)

When I was preparing a paper about the problem Greek studies have with globalization of culture on the threshold of the twenty-first century, I was asked who the Greek man was, considered as a separate entity, and how future decades would see him. The question had all the appearance of a trap. The very idea of ‘the Greek man’ is disturbing, even though it is so commonplace that it is hard to trace it back to its origins. (...) Of course it contains a well-established but ill-defined consensus around the Greeks as the first free, rational human beings to found a free polity, who furthermore presided over the creation of a literature without equal in Antiquity and an exceptional and innovative body of art. A more precise answer could also echo the prestigious and much discussed title of Werner Jaeger's indispensable and troubling volume: Paideia. Die Formung des griechischen Menschen (1934), and even become, rather insidiously because of its date and the last few words of the sub-title, a parasitic echo of the period when a mythical discourse evoked Aryans and non-Aryans. But we must take care not to place the thesis of Werner Jaeger, to whom I will return, in that company, since the title is less a reflection of a suspect mode of thought than a simple coincidence of choice of language. And the reason it turns up here is that Jaeger and Dodds, whom we shall meet later, are the two opposite poles of this paper, standing in Greek studies on either side of the bloodstained struggle that transformed Europe and the West's relationship with the rest of the world for ever. (shrink)

The originals of great classical Greek statuary—cult idols (agalmata) raised in the cella of a temple, or ex-voto (anathemata, offerings) dedicated in a sanctuary, or even, more rarely, political dedications erected in public places, were not destined to be copied and only the pure chance of history, from the fall of Greece to Rome and the emergence of a taste for these works of art, gave rise to a process of copying that would snowball. The Urbild of a Roman (...) imperial effigy was never to remain unique. Quite the contrary, it was, by its very nature, destined to be multiplied from the moment of its completion, for the sake of propaganda and thorough distribution of the emperor's image. At first, we cannot imagine a situation more different. However, today, the historical value of these copies is the same, the original having disappeared in one case as in the other. This is not the only paradox. (shrink)

The originals of great classical Greek statuary—cult idols (agalmata) raised in the cella of a temple, or ex-voto (anathemata, offerings) dedicated in a sanctuary, or even, more rarely, political dedications erected in public places, were not destined to be copied and only the pure chance of history, from the fall of Greece to Rome and the emergence of a taste for these works of art, gave rise to a process of copying that would snowball. The Urbild of a Roman (...) imperial effigy was never to remain unique. Quite the contrary, it was, by its very nature, destined to be multiplied from the moment of its completion, for the sake of propaganda and thorough distribution of the emperor's image. At first, we cannot imagine a situation more different. However, today, the historical value of these copies is the same, the original having disappeared in one case as in the other. This is not the only paradox. (shrink)

In this work, published here as a single volume, the authors present a disturbing and decidedly non-classical reading of Greek tragedy that insists on its radical discontinuity with our own outlook and with our social, aesthetic, and psychological categories.

The book examines the particular character Neoplatonism takes in this retrieval, and traces connections between leading figures within the French and Anglophone ...

A recent publication was the starting point of this discussion, whose purpose is to demonstrate the interest of a comparative history of the philological traditions of diverse cultures.

This volume covers Beaufret's development of Heidegger's approach to Greek thinking in six essays "The Birth of Philosophy," "Heraclitus and Parmenides," "Reading Parmenides," "Zeno," "A Note on Plato and Aristotle," and "Energeia and Actus ...

Since the ancient Greeks, philosophers have often mounted arguments for political or moral conclusions by invoking the idea of a ‘social contract’, either between the people and the ruler, or among the people themselves, or both. The contractarian form of argument became popular in the seventeenth century, and its popularity continues to this day. Advocates of this approach tell us to resolve answers to moral and political issues by asking what a group of rational persons could all agree to, or, (...) alternatively, what such people would be unreasonable to reject. (shrink)

This paper praises Martin Hägglund for his general take on Derrida, while objecting to a certain rigidity in the use of the concept of survival. This concept allowed Hägglund to reject the temptation of a ‘religious’ Derrida in Radical Atheism, but in Dying for Time, it leads to a hurried reading of psychoanalysis. My objections revolve around several forms: the role of gods for Plato and Greek thought; the reductive reading of Diotima's speech in the Sympoisum, and an all (...) too rapid rejection of the idea of the Todestrieb in Freud and Lacan. I go back to Derrida's reading of Freud in The Postcard to point out that he too had misread Freud's Beyond the Pleasure Principle. Finally, I argue that there can be something like a non-proper or improper immortality. (shrink)

Le vingtième siècle aura été le siècle de la démesure. La démesure de la politique avec des guerres mondiales, des déportations et des camps d'extermination, qui a culminé avec deux bombes atomiques larguées sur des populations civiles. La démesure de l'homme, ensuite, puisque ces crimes ont été commis au nom d'idéologies abstraites qui, pour sauver l'humanité, ont sacrifié sans remords les hommes réels. La démesure du monde, enfin, avec une science prométhéenne qui a tenté de percer les secrets de l'univers, (...) une technique déchaînée qui a cherché à asservir la nature et une économie mondialisée dont les échanges ont imposé le prix des choses au détriment de la dignité des hommes. Nietzsche avait clairement établi le diagnostic : "La mesure nous est étrangère, reconnaissons-le; notre démangeaison, c'est justement la démangeaison de l'infini, de l'immense. " Le sens de la démesure semble être une fatalité, aussi n'est-il pas étonnant que, déjà chez les Grecs, dans le mythe, la tragédie, la physique, l'éthique ou la politique, il se situe au coeur de la réflexion. Au travers de la tentation de la raison d'abolir toute limite, de remettre en cause la finitude humaine, la démesure témoigne du tragique de notre condition. Les Grecs, et c'est l'enseignement de ce livre, se sont attachés à la comprendre pour la convertir en cette mesure qui permet de redonner un sens à notre existence. (shrink)

Over the past few decades, the question regarding the proper understanding of Diophantus’s method has attracted much scholarly attention. “Modern algebra”, “algebraic geometry”, “arithmetic”, “analysis and synthesis”, have been suggested by historians as suitable contexts for describing Diophantus’s resolutory procedures, while the category of “premodern algebra” has recently been proposed by other historians to this end. The aim of this paper is to provide arguments against the idea of contextualizing Diophantus’s modus operandi within the conceptual framework of the ancient analysis (...) and to examine the few instances, in the preserved books of the Arithmetica, which might be regarded as linked to practices belonging to the field of analysis. (shrink)

Alors que le renouveau des idees politiques, sociales, morales a Athenes conduit l'education, vouee surtout au projet oratoire et formel des sophistes, vers une exigence intellectuelle plus authentique, Isocrate, en 393, et Platon, en 387, ouvrent successivement leur " ecole ". Des lors s'installe pour longtemps entre la philosophie et la rhetorique un equilibre instable, fait de rivalites et d'affrontements, mais aussi d'apparentements et de mutuelles seductions. L'oeuvre d'Isocrate correspond a la mise en place de cette tension, qui est ainsi (...) des l'origine au coeur du debat sur l'education. Mais l'apprentissage de l'eloquence, d'abord " simple " acquisition de l'art oratoire, vise une education politique, puis parce que la voie apparement rectiligne choisie par Isocrate comporte aussi, comme l'itineraire platonicien, son " detour " un ideal de culture, dont toute l'histoire de l'education, jusqu'a nous, porte la marque. Isocrate, rhetorique et education, retrace a travers l'etude de la pedagogie puis, plus largement, de la paideia isocratique, la naissance et le developpement d'un projet majeur d'education rhetorique, rival souvent heureux, au cours de l'histoire, de l'education " philosophique " : Isocrate a ouvert une ecole qui, en Occident, n'a plus jamais ferme ses portes... (shrink)

Starting from the Greek definition of philosophy as the love of wisdom, and from the semantic richness of the Arabic word ikma, several fourth- and fifth-century writers tried to establish the position of philosophy in the Islamic cultural system by identifying it with wisdom. For them this wisdom is tantamount to the recorded in the ancient books and taught by the prophets. Philosophers are described as the prophets' disciples or witnesses. However, depicting philosophy as eternal wisdom only gives the (...) discipline an illusory advantage. Ultimately it reduces it to pure repetition and therefore precludes any change. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Impact of Aristotelianism on Modern PhilosophyJean-Robert ArmogatheRiccardo Pozzo, editor. The Impact of Aristotelianism on Modern Philosophy. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2004. Pp. xvi + 336. Cloth, $69.95.The status of a "great" philosopher is to stand out for centuries, asking questions in such a way that the answers can never be definitive. Not so many of them are able to stand such a severe (...) proof. Aristotle phrased some questions we are still groping to answer. It was a very good idea to ask thirteen scholars to deliver a lecture series at the Catholic University of America during the Fall 1999 about the reception of Aristotle's theory of intellectual virtues (Nich. Ethics VI). The speakers did not stick to this issue, and enlarged their purpose to a general approach of Aristotle's receptions in various moments of Western modern philosophy.Edward Mahoney complements Charles Schmitt's basic introduction to Aristotle and the Renaissance, with some very valuable pages about Cardinal Bessarion's contribution to the Byzantine debate aroused in 1439 by Plethon's comparison between Plato and Aristotle (in favor of the former). Along with Charles Schmitt, Antonino Poppi is the best specialist of the Paduan tradition, and wrote a very qualified paper about Zabarella (1533-89), who shaped Aristotelianism into the rigorous science of the schoolbooks: for centuries, Aristotle is read through Zabarella's glasses. Apart from a bird's view on recent Galilean studies (where Alistair Crombie is not mentioned), William A. Wallace makes his point about Aristotle's influence on Galilean logics, linking Galileo's 1640 letter to Liceti (where he states that, in matters of logic, he has been an Aristotelian all his life) to the scientist's deep knowledge as revealed by the logical questions in one of the juvenile treatises (ms 27 in Florence, more thoroughly studied in Wallace's book, Galileo's Logic of Discovery and Proof [Dordrecht, 1992]). John Doyle, a specialist of Late Scholastic Philosophy, figures out a [End Page 209] strange character, the French Jesuit André Semery (1630-1717), who taught for thirty years at the Collegium romanum. In a very anti-Aristotelian way, he holds a definite belief in metaphysical beings of reason. The boundary between what we can think and say is quietly stepped over, when Semery and other Jesuits begin to think about thinking, opening a very modern path which leads to Brentano and Quine. Christia Mercer states that Leibniz's combination of a Platonist epistemology with an Aristotelian conception of nature brings a very innovative view in ethics. A very forceful paper by Richard L. Velkley compares Rousseau's politics to Aristotle's view of man (the paper became a chapter of his 2002 impressive book Being after Rousseau), while Riccardo Pozzo gives a short presentation of Aristotle's reception in modern Germany, and an elaborate analysis of Kant's debt to Aristotle for the intellectual virtues. Hegel's appropriation of Aristotelian intellect is presented by Alfredo Ferrarin, while Michael Davis reconstructs Nietzsche's path from Aristotle to the tragedy and back, in a very convincing way. Husserl (Richard Cobb-Stevens), Heidegger (Stanley Rosen), Wittgenstein (Daniel Dahlstrom) and Gadamer (Enrico Berti) conclude brilliantly the series, showing how the thought of the Stagirite fertilized contemporary philosophers, in a permanent dialogue of disagreement or borrowing, never at rest, and never leaving anyone indifferent. The old Greek man remains a vivid debater for our age of anxiety.Jean-Robert ArmogatheThe University of Paris-SorbonneCopyright © 2005 Journal of the History of Philosophy, Inc.... (shrink)

L’article, en prenant en compte la littérature médicale des Présocratiques à Galien, présente la façon dont les textes biologiques et médicaux grecs ont construit les corps masculin et féminin. Selon ces biologistes et médecins grecs, cette construction s’opère dès l’embryogenèse et au cours du développement du fœtus. Dans une pensée médicale où prédomine la physiologie, les corps masculin et féminin sont nettement opposés selon des critères connotés : en particulier, le corps de la femme est plus humide et moins chaud (...) que celui de l’homme ; il est, en outre, marqué par une particularité anatomique, l’existence de l’utérus pensé comme un être vivant. La différence entre corps masculin et féminin, qu’elle soit donnée pour radicale (différence de nature) ou relative (plus ou moins grand degré de perfection), est toujours présentée à partir d’un corps de référence, celui de l’homme, par rapport auquel celui de la femme est pensé en termes d’incomplétude ou d’inversion. Elle est par ailleurs porteuse de hiérarchie. (shrink)

New commentary on Hadrian’s second letter to Dionysiac artists. A thorough study of the text structure and vocabulary reveals that the emperor has not always altered the schedule of Greek games. His main concern is to insert the competitions he himself has created and to avoid conflicts between the cities. He certainly didn’t offend the susceptibilities of the Greeks, but he probably also resisted numerous requests. He has favoured considerably Athens. The understanding of the end of the text can (...) be improved. The dates provided by Hadrian in the solar Julian calendar must be reinterpreted in light of a lunar calendar. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Impact of Aristotelianism on Modern PhilosophyJean-Robert ArmogatheRiccardo Pozzo, editor. The Impact of Aristotelianism on Modern Philosophy. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2004. Pp. xvi + 336. Cloth, $69.95.The status of a "great" philosopher is to stand out for centuries, asking questions in such a way that the answers can never be definitive. Not so many of them are able to stand such a severe (...) proof. Aristotle phrased some questions we are still groping to answer. It was a very good idea to ask thirteen scholars to deliver a lecture series at the Catholic University of America during the Fall 1999 about the reception of Aristotle's theory of intellectual virtues (Nich. Ethics VI). The speakers did not stick to this issue, and enlarged their purpose to a general approach of Aristotle's receptions in various moments of Western modern philosophy.Edward Mahoney complements Charles Schmitt's basic introduction to Aristotle and the Renaissance, with some very valuable pages about Cardinal Bessarion's contribution to the Byzantine debate aroused in 1439 by Plethon's comparison between Plato and Aristotle (in favor of the former). Along with Charles Schmitt, Antonino Poppi is the best specialist of the Paduan tradition, and wrote a very qualified paper about Zabarella (1533-89), who shaped Aristotelianism into the rigorous science of the schoolbooks: for centuries, Aristotle is read through Zabarella's glasses. Apart from a bird's view on recent Galilean studies (where Alistair Crombie is not mentioned), William A. Wallace makes his point about Aristotle's influence on Galilean logics, linking Galileo's 1640 letter to Liceti (where he states that, in matters of logic, he has been an Aristotelian all his life) to the scientist's deep knowledge as revealed by the logical questions in one of the juvenile treatises (ms 27 in Florence, more thoroughly studied in Wallace's book, Galileo's Logic of Discovery and Proof [Dordrecht, 1992]). John Doyle, a specialist of Late Scholastic Philosophy, figures out a [End Page 209] strange character, the French Jesuit André Semery (1630-1717), who taught for thirty years at the Collegium romanum. In a very anti-Aristotelian way, he holds a definite belief in metaphysical beings of reason. The boundary between what we can think and say is quietly stepped over, when Semery and other Jesuits begin to think about thinking, opening a very modern path which leads to Brentano and Quine. Christia Mercer states that Leibniz's combination of a Platonist epistemology with an Aristotelian conception of nature brings a very innovative view in ethics. A very forceful paper by Richard L. Velkley compares Rousseau's politics to Aristotle's view of man (the paper became a chapter of his 2002 impressive book Being after Rousseau), while Riccardo Pozzo gives a short presentation of Aristotle's reception in modern Germany, and an elaborate analysis of Kant's debt to Aristotle for the intellectual virtues. Hegel's appropriation of Aristotelian intellect is presented by Alfredo Ferrarin, while Michael Davis reconstructs Nietzsche's path from Aristotle to the tragedy and back, in a very convincing way. Husserl (Richard Cobb-Stevens), Heidegger (Stanley Rosen), Wittgenstein (Daniel Dahlstrom) and Gadamer (Enrico Berti) conclude brilliantly the series, showing how the thought of the Stagirite fertilized contemporary philosophers, in a permanent dialogue of disagreement or borrowing, never at rest, and never leaving anyone indifferent. The old Greek man remains a vivid debater for our age of anxiety.Jean-Robert ArmogatheThe University of Paris-SorbonneCopyright © 2005 Journal of the History of Philosophy, Inc.... (shrink)

N’a-t-on pas jusqu’à l’excès opposé l’exégèse allégorique d’Alexandrie à l’exégèse historico-littérale des Antiochiens ? Si l’on se réfère au débat des années 50 autour du « sens spirituel » des Écritures, ne peut-on pas penser que l’on a été tenté de le plaquer sur les auteurs anciens, enrôlés pour la circonstance dans l’un ou l’autre camp ? Il vaut donc la peine de rouvrir sans passion le dossier. En réalité, la contestation de l’exégèse spirituelle d’Origène, reprise à l’époque moderne, est (...) fort ancienne : elle se rattache au débat, plus ancien encore, autour de l’allégorie des poèmes homériques et des mythes grecs. Mais précisément le texte biblique peut-il être traité comme les fables des Grecs ? Les exégètes d’Antioche le nient énergiquement. Pourtant, s’ils refusent de faire de l’allégorie une méthode d’exégèse, ils ne renoncent pas, sous certaines conditions, à dépasser la lettre du texte et son sens historique. Ce sens supérieur ou spirituel qu’Origène découvre par l’allégorie – quel que soit du reste le mot qu’il utilise -, les exégètes d’Antioche cherchent à l’atteindre grâce à l’explication dite typologique. Il s’agira donc ici de préciser la frontière entre ces deux modes d’explication.Was not the opposition between the allegorical exegesis of the School of Alexandria and the historic-literary analysis of the School of Antioch pushed to the extreme? If we think back to the 1950s debate about the “spiritual meaning or sense” of the Scriptures, might we not discern there a temptation to project this debate back onto the ancient authors, forced to fit into one camp or the other? It is thus quite worthwhile to open up this file again in a more dispassionate way. In fact, the arguments against Origen’s spiritual exegesis, taken up in modern times, is very old and is connected with the even older debate about the allegorical nature of the Homeric poems and Greek myths. However, is it possible to deal with the Biblical text in the same way as with the Greek fables? The Antioch exegetes denied this vehemently. Still, although they refused to take allegory as a method of exegesis, they did not renounce – in some circumstances – looking beyond the letter of the text and its historical meaning. This superior or spiritual meaning which Origen discovered through allegory – whatever might be the term he utilized – was sought for by the Antioch School through the so-called typological explanation. (shrink)

N’a-t-on pas jusqu’à l’excès opposé l’exégèse allégorique d’Alexandrie à l’exégèse historico-littérale des Antiochiens ? Si l’on se réfère au débat des années 50 autour du « sens spirituel » des Écritures, ne peut-on pas penser que l’on a été tenté de le plaquer sur les auteurs anciens, enrôlés pour la circonstance dans l’un ou l’autre camp ? Il vaut donc la peine de rouvrir sans passion le dossier. En réalité, la contestation de l’exégèse spirituelle d’Origène, reprise à l’époque moderne, est (...) fort ancienne : elle se rattache au débat, plus ancien encore, autour de l’allégorie des poèmes homériques et des mythes grecs. Mais précisément le texte biblique peut-il être traité comme les fables des Grecs ? Les exégètes d’Antioche le nient énergiquement. Pourtant, s’ils refusent de faire de l’allégorie une méthode d’exégèse, ils ne renoncent pas, sous certaines conditions, à dépasser la lettre du texte et son sens historique. Ce sens supérieur ou spirituel qu’Origène découvre par l’allégorie – quel que soit du reste le mot qu’il utilise -, les exégètes d’Antioche cherchent à l’atteindre grâce à l’explication dite typologique. Il s’agira donc ici de préciser la frontière entre ces deux modes d’explication.Was not the opposition between the allegorical exegesis of the School of Alexandria and the historic-literary analysis of the School of Antioch pushed to the extreme? If we think back to the 1950s debate about the “spiritual meaning or sense” of the Scriptures, might we not discern there a temptation to project this debate back onto the ancient authors, forced to fit into one camp or the other? It is thus quite worthwhile to open up this file again in a more dispassionate way. In fact, the arguments against Origen’s spiritual exegesis, taken up in modern times, is very old and is connected with the even older debate about the allegorical nature of the Homeric poems and Greek myths. However, is it possible to deal with the Biblical text in the same way as with the Greek fables? The Antioch exegetes denied this vehemently. Still, although they refused to take allegory as a method of exegesis, they did not renounce – in some circumstances – looking beyond the letter of the text and its historical meaning. This superior or spiritual meaning which Origen discovered through allegory – whatever might be the term he utilized – was sought for by the Antioch School through the so-called typological explanation. (shrink)

When I was preparing a paper about the problem Greek studies have with globalization of culture on the threshold of the twenty-first century, I was asked who the Greek man was, considered as a separate entity, and how future decades would see him. The question had all the appearance of a trap. The very idea of ‘the Greek man’ is disturbing, even though it is so commonplace that it is hard to trace it back to its origins. (...) Of course it contains a well-established but ill-defined consensus around the Greeks as the first free, rational human beings to found a free polity, who furthermore presided over the creation of a literature without equal in Antiquity and an exceptional and innovative body of art. A more precise answer could also echo the prestigious and much discussed title of Werner Jaeger's indispensable and troubling volume: Paideia. Die Formung des griechischen Menschen (1934), and even become, rather insidiously because of its date and the last few words of the sub-title, a parasitic echo of the period when a mythical discourse evoked Aryans and non-Aryans. But we must take care not to place the thesis of Werner Jaeger, to whom I will return, in that company, since the title is less a reflection of a suspect mode of thought than a simple coincidence of choice of language. And the reason it turns up here is that Jaeger and Dodds, whom we shall meet later, are the two opposite poles of this paper, standing in Greek studies on either side of the bloodstained struggle that transformed Europe and the West's relationship with the rest of the world for ever. (shrink)

A ready answer to the question of Empedocles’ thinking about Good and Evil is to be found in Aristotle, who provides us with this simple rule of thumb : Good is associated with Love, and Evil with Hate. Fundamentally obvious as that rule may be, we need to go beyond Aristotle’s words. This article investigates several topics : fire, the sun, water, the hoard of divine thought, reincarnation, Empedoclean ethics, and, finally, the Blessed Ones. Complexity rules our quest to determine (...) what belongs to the Good and what belongs to the Bad. There are times when Love takes advantage of Hate’s ability to cause separation. The sun, manifestation par excellence of fire, is loaded with ambivalence in Empedocles – even though the high value placed almost universally on light is a commonplace in Greek thought. Empedocles is torn between his sense of wonder at the works of Aphrodite and his pessimism on recognizing the infernal cycle in which mortals are involved. (shrink)

Reinterprets the ancient wisdom of the Greek philosopher Aristotle for the modern world, exploring the interconnections among morality, psychology, and spirituality and showing how they lead to meaning, joy, and fulfillment.

La vision des sages de la Grèce archaïque est sortie profondément transformée par la réflexion qu'a menée tout au long de sa vie Jean Bollack. Son ambition est ici de surmonter la fragmentation d'un poème exceptionnel que nous avons perdu. Il construit un ensemble avec des pleins et des vides à remplir. Le caractère initiatique de cet exercice de méditation facilite la tâche du déchiffrement ; tout s'y tient et le lecteur moderne peut se conformer à ses lois. L'analyse (...) du langage prime. La pensée s'y libère et découvre un référent sûr. Une cosmologie s'y projette, des astres à la vie des hommes, de l'Etant au Monde, dont ce livre s'applique à dégager les correspondances. (shrink)

English summary: Within the span of a single century (from the mid-15th to the mid-16th centuries), the Greek language, which was well on its way to oblivion, became the focus of one of the most heated debates of the Renaissance period. Greek was accused by what was then a Catholic and Latin Europe of being a vehicle for ancient paganism, Byzantine schism, and even Lutheran heresy. The Council of Trent, which deemed that Roman authority was being undermined by (...) the Vulgate's philological criticism, went so far as to confirm the obvious collusion that existed between Greek and heresy. In fact, behind such accusations can be discerned the power struggles that were taking place between ecclesiastical, academic and political factions. Analysis of such confrontations and of the difficulties that Humanists had in circumventing them, infers that, despite its ultimate success, Greek literature remained suspect in Europe throughout the Counter-Reformation. In this very meticulous study, based on previously unpublished texts, of what was at stake in this anti-Greek movement (a resistance actually based on free, progressive and critical thought), the author combines the thoroughness of an historian with a mine of true anecdotes about the moral standards of that era : the censure practices, legal disputes, self-serving denouncements, etc. That, indeed, were the most evident driving forces behind the intellectual and power struggles. French description: Le grec, disparu d'Europe depuis les Grandes Invasions, fit un retour spectaculaire au XVe siecle. Mais l'enthousiasme des humanistes pour la langue d'Homere a fait oublier la violence des resistances que lui opposerent les maitres scolastiques. Lorsque Erasme osa contester la Vulgate latine au nom de la verite grecque (1516), le scandale eclata publiquement et Luther en prit argument pour contester l'autorite de Rome, si bien que les hellenistes furent accuses de faire le jeu de la Reforme. Le statut du grec se vit etroitement lie a celui de l'hebreu, l'autre langue sacree rivale du latin (l'Affaire Reuchlin). Pour extirper le mal a sa racine, le concile de Trente decida finalement d'imposer la legitimite du latin biblique (1545) et d'interdire l'acces aux sources grecques et hebraiques, puis de mettre a l'index les principaux hellenistes et leurs imprimeurs. Les etudes grecques allaient en rester durablement affaiblies dans l'Europe de la Contre-Reforme. En faisant revivre les oeuvres et les hommes qui en furent les acteurs, et en devoilant ses veritables enjeux, ce livre retrace les deux siecles de cette bataille du grec, restee un point aveugle dans l'histoire de la culture occidentale. Jean-Christophe Saladin est docteur en Histoire. (shrink)