El pensamiento vivo de Juan Luis Vives, por Joaquín Xirau.--Páginas escogidas de Juan Luis Vives: De concordia y discordia. Tratado del alma. Introducción a la sabiduría. Del socorro de los pobres. Tratado de la enseñanza.

Sainz Rodríguez, P. Luis Vives y el Renacimiento en España.--Fontan, A. El latín de Luis Vives.--Jiménez Delgado, J. Nueves aportaciones al epistolario de Juan Luis Vives.--Swift, L. J. Somnium vivis y el Sueño de Escipión.--Etchegaray Cruz, A. Juan Vives, según Erasmo de Rotterdam.--Argudo Sánchez, F. Vives y el humanismo ciceroniano.

The De Europae dissidiis et republica (On Conflicts in Europe and on the Commonwealth) is a collection published by Vives in 1526 that has been called his "summa politica." It contains five letters, to Henry VIII and three prelates including Cardinal Wolsey; a Lucian-style underworld satire on European wars and the Turkish threat; and Latinizations of two political speeches by Isocrates. It counsels the pursuit of peace following Christian principles, but it also explores the possibility of an aggressive war (...) against the Turks as the means of unifying and saving European Christendom. It urges the calling of a council to deal with Luther. We present critical Latin texts and, for the first time, English translations, with introduction and notes. (shrink)

The De concordia, published by Juan Luis Vives in 1529 and dedicated to the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V, is a comprehensive analysis of the social and political problems which were then afflicting Europe. It is the only such analysis undertaken by any of the Renaissance humanists. The De concordia merits a much more important place in Vives' oeuvre than scholars have hitherto given it. It is structured around the Augustinian concept of concordia and its antithesis, (...) discordia. As such, it is an explicit attempt to understand current history in metaphysical terms. Vives' intention is not to give strategic or tactical advice to Charles V, but to examine the general disorder of Europe with a view to determining its fundamental nature and significance. This is the first critical edition of the De concordia and the first English translation. (shrink)

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work is in the "public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be (...) preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. (shrink)

The humanist treatises presented here are only peripheral to the history of logic, but I think historians of logic may read them with interest, if perhaps with irritation. In the early sixteenth century the humanists set about to demolish medieval logic based on syllogistic and disputation, and to replace it in the university curriculum with a 'rhetorical' logic based on the use of topics and persuasion. To a very large extent they succeeded. Although Aris totelian logic retained a vigorous life (...) in the schools, it never again attained to the overwhelming primacy it had so long enjoyed in the northern universities. It has been the custom to take the arguments of the humanists at face value, and the word 'scholastic' has continued to have pejorative overtones. This is easy to understand, because until recently our knowledge of the high period of medieval logic has been slight, and the humanists' testimony as to its decadent state in the sixteenth century has, for the most part, been accepted uncritically. Within the past two decades important work on medieval logic has recovered the brilliant achievement of thirteenth and fourteenth century logicians, philosophers, and natural scientists. New studies are constantly appearing, and the logico-semantic system of the terminists has become fruitful territory not only for historians of logic but also for students of modern linguistics and semiotics. (shrink)

Svetost vašega življenja in vaša gorečnost za svete učenosti sta me tako ganili, da sem vam napisal nekaj o vzgoji krščanskih žena, zelo pomembni temi, ki pa je vendarle do sedaj med vso raznoliko množico učenjakov in pisateljev ni še nihče obravnaval. Kaj je namreč enako nujno kakor duhovno oblikovanje teh, ki so v vsakem življenjskem položaju naše nerazdružljive družice? Med dobrimi je naklonjenost trdna, med slabimi pa ni dolgotrajna.

for everyone to handle indiscriminately, since it was something great and holy. 28. They were not wrong, were they? For you are the holy mother who by ...

THE TEXT The only readily available edition of the complete writings of Luis Vives is that published from to by the Valencian humanist, Gregorio Mayans y ...

First critical text and translation into English of an important text in Renaissance Woman's Studies, Renaissance views of marriage, and an example of Renaissance Latin prose style.

-- v. 3. Philologica, 2: Commentarii ad Divi Aurelii Augustini De civitate dei. Libri VI-XIII -- v. 4. Philologica, 3: Commentarii ad Divi Aurelii Augustini De civitate dei. Libri XIV-XVII.

El objeto de este artículo es doble. Por una parte, examina el uso que Vives hace de la lengua y del lenguaje, y, por otra parte, indica sus aportaciones al campo de la traducción e interpretación. La diversidad temática presente en su obra hace que su persona sea un punto de referencia para diferentes campos científicos, entre ellos la Filología. Para Vives, tanto el acercamiento filológico, como el aprendizaje de la lengua no sólo deben tener en cuenta la (...) lengua desde un punto teórico, sino también sociocultural. Su especial interés por las lenguas le llevó a realizar un considerable esfuerzo filológico haciendo lecturas e introducciones de varios textos clásicos latinos y también griegos, y transmitiendo su opinión acerca de la forma de realizar versiones o interpretaciones. (shrink)

Anticipating the fifth centennial of Vives’ birth in 1992, this is the first comprehensive study of two of Vives’ main works, De Anima et Vita, Book 3 and De Prima Philosophia, accompanied by the first general biography based on recent research. Juan Luis Vives was a Spanish sixteenth-century humanist who spent most of his life as an exile in England and the Low Countries. De Anima et Vita, the third book of which makes up the (...) tract on emotions, represents the culmination of Vives’ effort to understand human nature. Noreña has organized Vives and the Emotions into three parts. Part one incorporates recent research on Vives and corrects some of the inaccuracies of Noreña’s 1970 Luis Vives. He provides expanded accounts of Vives’ attitude toward Erasmus and religion, his reaction to terminist logic, his social and legal views, and his contributions to Renaissance pedagogy. The second part of the book examines in detail one of Vives’ most philosophical and forgotten tracts, a lengthy summary of his metaphysical views published in 1531 under the title De Prima Philosophia seu de Intimo Naturae Opificio, which is probably the most speculative of Vives’ works. Part three compares Vives’ thoughts on emotion to those of Aristotle, some ancient Stoic sources, Saint Thomas, Descartes, and Spinoza, while dividing the entire material under such headings as the nature, the classification, the interaction, and the therapeutic control of emotion. (shrink)

By looking at rhetoric and politics, this book offers a novel account of Juan Luis Vives' intellectual oeuvre. It argues that Vives adjusted rhetorical theory to a monarchical context in which direct speech was not a possibility, demonstrated how Erasmian languages of ethical self-government and political peace were actualized rhetorically and critically in a princely environment and, finally, rethought the cognitive and emotional foundations of humanist rhetoric in his late and famous De anima et vita (1538). (...) Ultimately, towards the end of his life, Vives epitomized a distinctively cognitive view of politics; he maintained that political concord was not a direct outcome of institutional or legal reform or of the spiritual transformation of the Christian world (an optimistic Erasmian interpretation), but that concord could only be upheld once the dynamics of emotions that motivated political action were understood and controlled through responsible rhetoric that respected decorum and civility. (shrink)

Juan Luis Vives reflexionó sobre el tema de la pobreza como un problema de justicia personal y social. El abandono en el que vivían los pobres, cuyo número iba en aumento en pleno siglo XVI, plantea no sólo problemas de orden social, sino también moral y religioso. Reflexionar sobre dicho asunto le ofrece a Vives la oportunidad para realizar una fuerte crítica, no sólo de aquellos que detentan el poder político y religioso, sino también para exigir (...) un cambio de actitud, en el plano individual e institucional, y una reflexión sobre la propia esencia del cristianismo. Por todo ello, Vives ofrece no sólo un conjunto de medidas concretas para tratar de afrontar dicho problema, sino también un amplio abanico de razones morales y religiosas, con las que será muy difícil poder negar nuestra responsabilidad para con los pobres, a la vez que nos exhorta a que hagamos frente común contra la pobreza. (shrink)

CHAPTER THE VICISSITUDES OF VIVES' FAME During his life and in the first hundred years after his death (-) Vives enjoyed tremendous prestige. ...

Connections between J.L.Vives and C.S. Peirce are shown. Not only is reflec-tion on language and meaning central in both thinkers, but Peirce also knew Vives' thought especially through W. Hamilton and the Scottish common sense school. Peirce credited Vives with being a forerunner of the use of dia-grams in logic, and both share a critical view of late medieval nominalistic logicians and a social and hierarchical conception of knowledge.

The aim of the present paper is to approach Juan Luis Vives' conception of freedom of the will in light of scholastic discussions on will and free choice, and point to some interesting similarities with the analysis of free choice contained in Jean Buridan's Quaestiones super decem libros Ethicorum Aristotelis ad Nicomachum.