Does economic globalization create a “race to the bottom” or a “race to the top” in labor rights practices? Despite significant research on the possible impact of economic globalization on labor conditions, little consensus exists as to whether and what forms of economic openness might help or undermine labor rights. In this study, we illustrate the significance of considering the two distinct processes of de facto and de jure globalization. We argue that whereas de facto globalization in the form of (...) trade and financial transactions is likely to result in worse labor rights practices, de jure globalization that entails regulations to facilitate these transactions is likely to have a positive effect on labor conditions. Combining time-series, cross-national data on labor rights with data on economic globalization, we find significant evidence of the divergent effects of de facto and de jure globalization on labor rights practices. Results also indicate that the labor rights effects of de facto and de jure globalization are stronger for trade than financial globalization. We further show that the effects of economic globalization apply to both collective and substantive labor rights practices. (shrink)

As part of the roundtable “Economic Sanctions and Their Consequences,” this essay discusses whether economic sanctions are morally acceptable policy tools. It notes that both conventional and targeted sanctions not only often fail to achieve their stated objectives but also bring about significant negative externalities in target countries. Economic dislocation and increases in political instability instigated by sanctions disproportionately affect the well-being of opposition groups and marginalized segments of society, while target elites and their support base remain insulated from the (...) intended costs of foreign pressure. Sanctions might also incentivize target governments to use repressive means to consolidate their rule and weaken the opposition. Given these serious shortcomings, I argue that sanctions are ethically problematic tools of foreign policy. Nonetheless, this does not mean that sanctions should be rejected outright, as there might be cases where sanctions are the only viable option, and they might work effectively under certain circumstances. Rather, the essay suggests that policymakers should apply more caution in considering the use of sanctions given their low probability of success, and should be more concerned with the delicate balance between political gain and civilian pain before levying sanctions, whether comprehensive or targeted. (shrink)

This article offers a thorough analysis of the unintended impact economic sanctions have on political repression—referred to in this study as the level of the government respect for democratic freedoms and human rights. We argue that economic coercion is a counterproductive policy tool that reduces the level of political freedoms in sanctioned countries. Instead of coercing the sanctioned regime into reforming itself, sanctions inadvertently enhance the regime’s coercive capacity and create incentives for the regime’s leadership to commit political repression. Cross-national (...) time series data support our argument, confirming that the continued use of economic sanctions (even when aimed at promoting political liberalization and respect for human rights) will increase the level of political repression. These findings suggest that both scholars and policy makers should pay more attention to the externalities caused by economic coercion. (shrink)

This article demonstrates that Lacanian thought on One is narrow and does not completely cover the whole reality of One. A better understanding of One and Two could be facilitated by using the representation ‘#’, which can explain both disjunction and unity in language and thought. In addition, it presents some possibilities in abstract thinking. The first section of the paper considers Lacan’s doctrine on One and difference. The following section elaborates on the defect of this doctrine, focusing especially on (...) its onesided apprehension, and introducing the derivation of the representation ‘#’. In the last section, the representation ‘#’ and its usage are briefly explained. (shrink)

The primary source of income in the Ottoman Empire, like in other pre-vious and contemporary states, was land. For this reason, the private ownership of land, especially those used for grain production, was avoided, and efforts were made to keep them as state-owned or public lands known as "mirî" or "memleket arazisi". This situation brings up the issue of cultivating the land and generating income from it. The Ottoman Empire further developed the timar system, which was also implemented by the (...) previous states, and allocated land to families based on its productivity by dividing it into certain sizes. These families were required to pay a tax known as "çift resmi", "raiyyet resmi", or "kulluk akçası." The system was based on the cultivation of the land by the peasants, thus ensuring both the production of crops without venturing food security and providing the state with the necessary tax revenue. Thus, it was necessary for the peasants not to abandon their land. One of the precautions taken to ensure this was "cebrî ikamet" (compulsory residency), and the other was "çift bozan resmi" (a tax imposed on those who leave their land uncultivated). Regulations regarding these measures have been included in the Kanunnames (legal codes) since the time of Fatih Sultan Mehmet, and they remained in effect until the 1858 Land Code. Since the nişancıs who prepared the Kanunnames had a good command in Islamic fiqh and the laws were at least theoretically approved by the sheikh al-islam until the mid-17th century, no one among the Ottoman scholars was known to oppose these regulations. Due to the serious disruption of the timar system and the increasing oppression of the peasants, criticisms of the "çift bozan" and "cebrî ikamet" measures began among the scholars in the Damascus region, led by Hayreddin Remlî, in the second half of the 17th century. This criticism intensified over time. In fact, two separate treatises were written on this issue. The scholars in Istanbul were also partly affected by this criticism. In this article, the "çift bozan" tax and its status in Islamic law will be primarily examined. All views in favor or against this issue will be put forth as much as possible, and an evaluation will be made while trying to come up with a different perspective. (shrink)

Background The COVID-19 pandemic has placed an unprecedented burden on nurses who have been at the forefront of patient care. The continuous exposure to suffering, death, and overwhelming demands has the potential to lead to compassion fatigue, a state of emotional, physical, and cognitive exhaustion. Research aim The study aimed to explore and understand the phenomenon of compassion fatigue in nurses as the effect of the COVID-19 pandemic. Research design A constructivist grounded theory design was used. Participants and research context (...) The research data were collected from 20 nurses who had been employed in pandemic clinics in Turkey for a minimum of 6 months. Data were collected using a two-step approach: purposeful sample selection followed by theoretical sample selection. Individual interviews were conducted via an online platform with participants who consented to participate in the study from January 16th to April 28th, 2022. The collected data underwent initial, focused, and theoretical coding for analysis. The research findings were reported following the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research guidelines. Ethical considerations Ethical approval for the study was received from Non-Interventional Clinical Research Ethics Committee. The study was conducted following the Declaration of Helsinki. Findings The study identified a core category, namely the desire to provide the best care, which was accompanied by five main categories: causes, symptoms, consequences, coping methods, and the benefits of coping methods. Conclusion During the pandemic process, nurses have experienced compassion fatigue due to various factors and have seen its symptoms. Nurses have developed various coping mechanisms individually. However, they have not indicated any institutional-level support. It has become necessary to plan nurse-centered comprehensive interventions that will reduce compassion fatigue. (shrink)

Displaying the stages of my expedition in logic, the purpose of this essay is to admit how I have been involved in the field of logic from time to time –and how, sometimes, I have not. Therefore, starting from my undergraduate years, I shared my first acquaintance with logic and the following processes. My interest in logic has continued after my graduation and throughout my teaching life, and has never decreased. My education in logic started at the Faculty of Languages, (...) History and Geography, and continued at the Middle East Technical University and then at the University of Pittsburgh. I have contributed to the field of logic with the courses that I instructed after finishing my PhD, and along with my studies on logic, yet my competence in this field has not always satisfied me. That is why I have always asked myself: To what degree I am a logician? This essay, which is a kind of short autobiography, also allows me to respectfully acknowledge the logicians who contributed to me. This essay, which also sheds light on the past 40 years of the logic studies in our country, demonstrates the current level of logic studies. The continuation of the studies under the umbrella of the Logic Association would provide a positive impact on the logic studies in our country. (shrink)