Erfreut begrüßen wir die textkritische Ausgabe der von Maximos Planudes verfaßten Übersetzung der Metamorphosen Ovids: so wird ein altes Desideratum der byzantinischen wie auch der lateinischen Philologie erfüllt. Die mühevolle Arbeit haben M. PAPATHOMOPOULOS und I. TSAVARI übernommen, und das Buch hat die Akademie von Athen herausgegeben, die im Rahmen anderer Schriftenreihen (Corpus philosophorum medii aevi, Philosophi Byzantini und Бιβλιοθήϰη А. Мανούςη) noch mehrere byzantinische Übersetzungen (von Boethius' De differentiis topicis und De consolatione Philosophiae sowie von Augustinus' De trinitate) (...) erscheinen ließ. (shrink)

A critical edition of Planudes' edition of excerpts from Plato's dialogues.

Bei der Vita Aesopi handelt es sich um eine Erzählung der Abenteuer Äsops bis zu seinem Tod in Delphi. Das Original, das vermutlich zu Beginn unserer Zeitrechnung ver faßt wurde, ist verloren, wurde aber in mehreren griechischen Fassungen überliefert.

Bernardi Perini, G. Aceto italico e poesia luciliana: Hor. Sat. I 7.--Bernardinello, S. Bessarione riassume la Fisica di Aristotele.--Bottecchia, M. E. I Mechanicha di Aristotele nel Parisinus graecus 2507.--Bottin, L. La tradizione araba della Retorica di Aristotele e il problema dell'exemplar decurtatum.--Chiereghin, F. Analogie di struttura tra la metodologia della storiografia filosofica di Platone e di Kant.--Ciani, M. G. Poesia come enigma.--Degani, E. Hippon. fr. 40 Med.--Donaldi, F. Note preparatorie all'edizione dell'Encomio di Elena gorgiano nella traduzione latina inedita di Pietro (...) Bembo.--Fumarola, V. Euripide e la tetralogia della femminilità.--Gentilini, A. Una consolatoria inedita del Bessarione.--Ghinatti, F. I culti greci di Paestum.--Longo, O. Note all'Elena e alle Nuvole.--Lunelli, A. Solis rota.--Meschini, A. Su alcuni luoghi del Reso.--Mignucci, M. In margine al concetto aristotelico di esistenza.--Mioni, E. L'Antologia greca da Massimo Planude a Marco Musuro.--Pianezzola, E. Haurio=ferio, perfodio. Un calco omerico mediato dagli scolii.--Pontani, F. M. La distruzione di Melos di Ghiannis Ritsos.--Rinaldi Mioni, G. Aspetto verbale nel greco classico e strutturalismo.--Riondato, E. Problematicità semantica ed etica nell'Etica a Nicomaco.--Serra, G. Alcune osservazioni sulle traduzioni dall'arabo in ebraico e in latino del De generatione et corruptione di Aristotele e dello pseudo-aristotelico Liber de causis.--Traina, A. Convexo nutantem pondere mundum (Verg. Ecl. 4,50).--Valentini, R. La reintroduzione dell'onciale e la datazione dei manoscritti greci in minuscola. (shrink)

Professor Kamerbeek in a recent article raises some interesting questions about the value of the manuscript of Sophocles Parisinus gr. 2712, universally known as A. Ever since the time of Brunck, who was the first to use this manuscript extensively, it has been considered second only to Laurentianus XXXII 9 as a source of correct readings and as a witness of the old, i.e. pre-Byzantine, tradition of Sophocles. But the importance of A has been seriously challenged by Alexander Turyn, who (...) has sought to show that in Ajax, Electra, and Oedipus Tyrannus—the three plays which constitute the Byzantine Triad of Sophocles—A's text is principally that of the recension of Manuel Moschopulus —or, more strictly, the version of that recension which includes scholia by Maximus Planudes and some slight variations in the poetic text. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to offer a complete survey of Planudes’s moralising corrections in his epigrammatic anthology, as these can be reconstructed through a comparison between Pl and the other testimonies. On the one hand, this analysis will confirm the inconsistency of the monk in bowdlerising the texts, often remarked by scholars; on the other, it will clarify that corrections intended to make a text morally acceptable are only occasional, and often ex-tempore. The Appendix discusses a further (...) case of possible bowdlerization by Planudes in the Sylloge Laurentiana, composed about twenty years before his major anthology. (shrink)

The “unknown heritage” is the name usually given to a problem type in whose archetype a father leaves to his first son 1 monetary unit and \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\frac{1}{n}}$$\end{document} (n usually being 7 or 10) of what remains, to the second 2 units and \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\frac{1}{n}}$$\end{document} of what remains, and so on. In the end, all sons get the same, and nothing remains. The earliest known (...) occurrence is in Fibonacci’s Liber abbaci, which also contains a number of much more sophisticated versions, together with a partial algebraic solution for one of these and rules for all which do not follow from his algebraic calculation. The next time the problem turns up is in Planudes’s late thirteenth century Calculus according to the Indians, Called the Great. After that the simple problem type turns up regularly in Provençal, Italian and Byzantine sources. It seems never to appear in Arabic or Indian writings, although two Arabic texts (one from c. 1190) contain more regular problems where the number of shares is given; they are clearly derived from the type known from European and Byzantine works, not its source. The sophisticated versions turn up again in Barthélemy de Romans’ Compendy de la praticque des nombres (c. 1467) and, apparently inspired from there, in the appendix to Nicolas Chuquet’s Triparty (1484). Apart from a single trace in Cardano’s Practica arithmetice et mensurandi singularis, the sophisticated versions never surface again, but the simple version spreads for a while to German practical arithmetic and, more persistently, to French polite recreational mathematics. Close examination of the texts shows that Barthélemy cannot have drawn his familiarity with the sophisticated rules from Fibonacci. It also suggests that the simple version is originally either a classical, strictly Greek or Hellenistic, or a medieval Byzantine invention; and that the sophisticated versions must have been developed before Fibonacci within an environment (located in Byzantium, Provence, or possibly in Sicily?) of which all direct traces has been lost, but whose mathematical level must have been quite advanced. (shrink)

Der Bremer Codex mit der Signatur msb 0023, in den ersten Jahrzehnten des 14. Jahrhunderts wahrscheinlich in Konstantinopel entstanden, entstammt nach Inhalt und Anlage dem Bereich des höheren byzantinischen Schulbetriebs. Er enthält u.a. die „byzantinische Trias“ der Tragödien des Sophokles (Aiax, Electra, Oedipus Rex) mit Moschopulos- und Planudes-Randscholien, Kleomedes' Schrift De motu circulari corporum coelestium, Ailios Aristeides' De rhetorica, das erste Buch von Xenophons Institutio Cyri, Demosthenes' Orationes Philippicae und Olynthiacae sowie die Characteres Epistolici des Ps.-Libanios. Um diese Kernstücke (...) gruppieren sich noch Auszüge aus einem juristischen Lexikon, aus Xenophons Hellenica und wiederum der Institutio Cyri, aus Demetrios von Phaleron und Proklos über Briefformulare sowie aus Symeon Seths Conspectus rerum naturalium. (shrink)

Περὶ ἀρετῆς καὶ κακίας, ou De virtute et vitio, é o primeiro tratado listado no Catálogo de Máximo Planudes, sem qualquer referência no de Lâmprias. Tal como é característico ao corpo de tratados plutarquianos intitulado Moralia, nosso autor faz uso de narrativa pedagógica e moralizante. Em Da virtude e do vício, Plutarco exorta seu leitor/ouvinte a cultivar a virtude por meio do estudo da filosofia, instrumento necessário ao desenvolvimento do caráter. O estilo de Plutarco é de uma grande riqueza (...) de imagens, com linguagem adornada e rítmica, que nos remete à arte retórica. A crítica plutarquiana se destina aos que encontram a felicidade na aquisição de bens (100C), pois estes não educam as paixões e se tornam os homens escravos dos desejos, dos temores e das preocupações (101C); assim, não enxergam o vício que alimentam em suas almas (100D-E). Plutarco afirma que o caminho que leva o homem à virtude é o prazer de filosofar, porque a filosofia conduz o homem ao conhecimento do que é belo e bom (101D), além de gerar alegria e contentamento em qualquer momento da sua vida, quer na riqueza ou na pobreza (101E). (shrink)

In this paper which consists of two parts (Teil I and Teil II) we champion Diophantus of Alexandria and Isabella BaÅ¡makova against Norbert Schappacher. In two publications ([Schappacher 1998a] and [Schappacher 1998b]) he puts forward inter alia two propositions: Questioning Diophantus’ originality he considers affirmatively the possibility that the Arithmetica are the joint work of a team of authors like Bourbaki. And he calls BaÅ¡makova’s claim (in [BaÅ¡makova 1972]) that Diophantus uses negative numbers, a nonsense , reproaching her for her (...) thoughtlessness . Teil I: First, we disprove Schappacher’s Bourbaki thesis. Second, we investigate the semantic meaning and historical significance of Diophantus’ keywords $ λvarepsilon tildeιψιζ and ὕπαρξιζ. Next, we discuss Schappacher’s epistemology of the history of mathematics and defend BaÅ¡makova’s methods. Finally we analyse in detail three problems from Diophantus’ Arithmetica (and their solutions) given by Thomas Heath and Helmuth Gericke as proof of the their claim that Diophantus did not use negative numbers. Teil II: In this Part, we give 33 places where Diophantus uses negative quantities as intermediate results; they appear as differences a − b of positive rational numbers, the subtrahend b being bigger than the minuend a; they each represent the (negative) basis ( πλvarepsilonυρacuteα ) of a square number ( τvarepsilonτρacuteαγω ν o ζ ), which is afterwards computed by the formula (a - b) 2 = a 2 + b 2 - 2ab $ . Finally, we report how the topic Diophantus and the negative numbers has been dealt with by translators and commentators from Maximus Planudes onwards. Und er kommt zu dem Ergebnis: ≪Nur ein Traum war das Erlebnis. Weil≫, so schlieβt er messerscharf, ≪nicht sein k a n n, was nicht sein d a r f.≫ CHRISTIAN MORGENSTERN: Palmstrm. (shrink)

In this second part of “Negative Größen bei Diophant?” we start, as announced, by giving 33 places where Diophantus uses negative quantities as intermediate results; they appear as differences a − b of positive rational numbers, the subtrahend b being bigger than the minuend a; they each represent the (negative) basis $(\pi\lambda\varepsilon\upsilon\rho\acute{\alpha})$ of a square number $(\tau\varepsilon\tau\rho\acute{\alpha}\gamma\omega\nu o \zeta)$ , which is afterwards computed by the formula (a - b)2 = a 2 + b 2 - 2ab. Finally, we report (...) how the topic “Diophantus and the negative numbers” has been dealt with by translators and commentators from Maximus Planudes onwards. (shrink)

In the preface to their edition of the Imagines of Philostratus Minor Schenkl and Reisch mention scholia of Tzetzes on the Imagines of the elder Philostratus in Royal MS. 16 D XII of the British Museum. Their statement is repeated without comment in the histories of Greek literature of Schmid-Stählin and Sinko, as well as by Solmsen in his article on the Philostrati in Pauly-Wissowa, R.E. 20. 174. 59 ff. Wendel, on the other hand, in his recent exhaustive treatment of (...) Tzetzes in R.E. 2te Reihe 7. 1959–2012, knows nothing of the London manuscript, but says : ‘Nur in den jungen Hs. Ambr. D 213 inf. werden die Philostratos-Scholien T. zugeschrieben, die sonst anonym oder als Eigentum des Moschopulos und Planudes überliefert sind.’ It is perhaps worth looking into the matter a little more closely. (shrink)

In the preface to their edition of the Imagines of Philostratus Minor Schenkl and Reisch mention scholia of Tzetzes on the Imagines of the elder Philostratus in Royal MS. 16 D XII of the British Museum. Their statement is repeated without comment in the histories of Greek literature of Schmid-Stählin and Sinko, as well as by Solmsen in his article on the Philostrati in Pauly-Wissowa, R.E. 20. 174. 59 ff. Wendel, on the other hand, in his recent exhaustive treatment of (...) Tzetzes in R.E. 2te Reihe 7. 1959–2012, knows nothing of the London manuscript, but says : ‘Nur in den jungen Hs. Ambr. D 213 inf. werden die Philostratos-Scholien T. zugeschrieben, die sonst anonym oder als Eigentum des Moschopulos und Planudes überliefert sind.’ It is perhaps worth looking into the matter a little more closely. (shrink)

The paper deals with the reception of Aristotle’s definition of rhetoric in several Byzantine commentators of Hermogenes’and Aphthonius’ treatises. A justification of critical interpretationof this definition is to be found in the commentaries of Troilus and Athanasius as well as Sopatros and Doxapatres, Maximus Planudes and several anonymouscommentators. The Byzantine tradition has found Aristotle’s definitionof rhetoric to be all too theoretical and insufficiently connected topractical activity, which Byzantium identified with political life.

Zusammenfassung Der Aufsatz ist die Fortsetzung von „Beobachtungen zu den Thukydidesscholien I“ und „Beobachtungen zu den Thukydidesscholien II“. Im ersten Abschnitt wird gezeigt, dass durch genauere Dokumentation der Marginalien im Vatic. gr. 126, als es auch in neuen kritischen Ausgaben geschehen ist, mit unterschiedlicher Sicherheit abweichende Lesarten in Ω erschlossen werden können. In 3. 2 wird nachgewiesen, dass die Hand jenes Theodoros, der im Codex Paris. suppl. gr. 255 eine vieldiskutierte Marginalnotiz eingetragen hat, auch – was bisher nicht beachtet worden (...) ist – im Monac. graec. 430 einen ähnlichen Marginaleintrag vorgenommen hat, woraus sich weitreichende Konsequenzen für eine Reihe von Handschriftenkomponenten ergeben. Die Identität jenes Theodoros lässt sich nicht ermitteln, die von Hemmerdinger vorgenommene Identitifikation mit Theodoros Metochites wird widerlegt. Abschnitt 3. 3 untersucht die Wolfenbütteler Handschrift Gud. gr. 35 hinsichtlich ihrer Stellung im Stemma der Familie ψ und zeigt, dass Gu nicht zusammen mit μ2 und μ1 eine Abschrift von μ ist, sondern dass Gu selbst die Vorlage von μ2 und μ1 war, also mit μ identisch ist. Dadurch wird eine Vermutung D. Harlfingers bestätigt, dass der Codex Gu, der jetzt nur noch die Markellinosvita und die Anonymusvita des Thukydides enthält, der Rest einer kompletten Thukydideshandschrift ist. Da Gu der Schrift des Maximos Planudes bzw. der seiner Schreiber ähnelt, darf vermutet werden, dass im Gelehrtenkreis um Planudes eine Thukydidesausgabe geschaffen worden ist. (shrink)

Gow and Page are of the opinion that Planudes’ àένναος in the fifth line of this epigram may be not his conjecture but the true reading, and reject Jacobs' commonly received emendation àєί λáνος, with κηρο in the following line. But I have no doubt that for the two words μέν àλανóς we should read μєμαλαγαγμένος for ó μєμαλαγαγμένος κηρóς is the regular gloss1 on the waxy substance called μàλθα or μàλθα which was used in Athens—at the time of (...) Sophocles himself2—particularly for spreading on wooden writing-tablets. It was surmised by Schwabe that μàλθη had been the word glossed in Ael. Dion. Two entries in Pollux are especially important for establishing the use ofmaltha. In 10. 58–9, describing it as ό ένών т πινακίδί κηρϳς, he quotes passages from Herodotus , Cratinus , and Aristophanes referring to the soft wax which could easily be scraped from writing-tablets to erase writing. In 8. 16 he says it is the wax spread on the dicasts’ πινáκιον тιμηтικóν, from scratching on which the ‘long line’ of condemnation it will be remembered that Athenian philheliasts got wax under their finger-nails. (shrink)

Gow and Page are of the opinion that Planudes’ àένναος in the fifth line of this epigram may be not his conjecture but the true reading, and reject Jacobs' commonly received emendation àєί λáνος, with κηρο in the following line. But I have no doubt that for the two words μέν àλανóς we should read μєμαλαγαγμένος for ó μєμαλαγαγμένος κηρóς is the regular gloss1 on the waxy substance called μàλθα or μàλθα which was used in Athens—at the time of (...) Sophocles himself2—particularly for spreading on wooden writing-tablets. It was surmised by Schwabe that μàλθη had been the word glossed in Ael. Dion.Two entries in Pollux are especially important for establishing the use ofmaltha. In 10. 58–9, describing it as ό ένών т πινακίδί κηρϳς, he quotes passages from Herodotus, Cratinus, and Aristophanes referring to the soft wax which could easily be scraped from writing-tablets to erase writing. In 8. 16 he says it is the wax spread on the dicasts’ πινáκιον тιμηтικóν, from scratching on which the ‘long line’ of condemnation it will be remembered that Athenian philheliasts got wax under their finger-nails. (shrink)

Parisinus 1672, executed at the instigation of Maximus Planudes, is the only manuscript which contains all seventy-eight extant moralia of Plutarch. It may be dated soon after 1302, the year in which Planudes appended to his manuscript of the Greek Anthology a πίναξ Πλουτρχου containing the titles of the first sixty-nine of the seventy-eight treatises and concluding with the words τατα πντα εὑρθη. The addition of nine further treatises to the Corpus was made possible by the discovery of (...) two further sources, one containing Nos. 70–7 and the other No. 78. The tradition of No. 78 is established beyond doubt: we are concerned here only with the remaining eight, Nos. 70–7. (shrink)